
Class _£i_S3^ 
Book ._:S_n 



OBSERVATIONS 



POLITICAL CHARACTER AND SERVICES 



OF 



PRESIDENT TYLER, 



AND 



HIS CABINET 



By A NATIVE OF MARYLAND. 



-REMEMBER THAT THE WAYS OF HEAVEN, 



THOUGH DARK, ARE JUST ; THAT OFT SOME GUARDIAN POWER 

ATTENDS UNSEEN, TO SAVE THE INNOCENT ! 

BUT IF HIGH HEAVEN DESIRES OUR FALL — O LET US 

FIRMLY AWAIT THE STROKE, PREPARED ALIKE 

TO LIVE OR DIE. — BrOWTl's /?«r>i'"-''«-'"' 



WASHINGTON 

TENT 

1841. 



r. FORCE, TENTH STREET. 



KNTERED ACCORDING TO ACT OF CONGRESS, IN THE YEAR M DCCC XLl, 

By PETER FORCE, 

IN THE clerk's OFFICE OF THE DISTRICT COURT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA 



P. FORCE, PRINTER, 
TENTH STREET. 



PREFACE 



The present work professes to be a review of the political cha- 
racter and services of the President and his distinguished Cabinet. 

In preparing- the following pages for the press, the author was 
convinced, that whatever, particularly in such a momentous crisis of 
national affairs as the present, may tend to promote a correct know- 
ledge of the intellectual abilities, public services, and political prin- 
ciples of our statesmen, must prove useful to the people. We esti- 
mate the personal merits of others with reference to the common 
facuhies of mankind. The effects of splendid genius, in active or 
speculative life, are correctly measured, not so much by their true 
elevation, as by the altitude to which they ascend above the level of 
their age and country. 

In a political struggle, in relation to the ascendency of particu- 
lar men or measures, one who is truly devoted to his country may 
be allowed to remain silent; but when the great interests of the na- 
tion are at stake, and those interests sought to be afflicted by pros- 
trating the high character of individuals connected with the admin- 
istration of its afll\irs, it becomes every man to act with firmness 
and resolution, more especially at this crisis, when the examination 
of questions in almost every discussion in Congress, is made the 
vehicle for covert insinuation, and for raillery against the distin- 
guished individuals at the head of the Government; when disgrace- 
ful allusions in the discussions in the public prints are followed up 
by keen reproaches and bold accusations; when the public are 
taught, with unwearied and malicious industry, to look upon them 
as corrupt men, or ignorant statesmen. Although the falsehood and 
malevolence of such charges may be visible to many, yet it may 
happen that such continual drippings may in time make an impres- 
sion on the public mind, and, if not seriously counteracted, will 
probably alienate, to some extent, the respect and confidence which 



4 PREFACE. 

they have heretofore so extensively enjoyed, and which it is the 
nation's interest, as well as their own, that they should never lose. 

In sketching the political services of our distinguished statesmen, 
we cannot go too much into detail. The work, however, would be 
too extensive were we to give a full view of their conduct in all the 
transactions to which they have been a party more than twenty- 
seven years of public service, the greatest part of them employed in 
the most impoilant trusts connected with the vital interests of 
the country; the author has, therefore, confined himself to such 
prominent facts only as are necessary to convey a distinct idea 
of the nature and extent of their services. 

The utility of a work of this description, depends in a great mea- 
sure on arrangement of facts. Method, however, is useful only so 
far as it conduces to perspicuity. Too strict an adherence to me- 
thodical distribution, defeats the end which it is meant to obtain. 

Whether these sketches shall in any measure answer the object 
designed, must be decided by the public mind. The author is fully 
confident, however, that he has spared no labor ; and he hopes that 
these hasty delineations will have the effect of counteracting false- 
hood, and establishing in the reader's mind various and important 
truths, as regards the history of the public men now at the head of 
the Federal Government. 



POLITICAL SKETCHES 



No. I. 

OBSERVATIONS ON THE POLITICAL CHARACTER OF JOHN 

TYLER, PRESIDENT. 

All safety rests on honest counsels : these 
Immortalize the statesman, bless the state. — Young. 

Whilst we deplore the loss which the country has sustained in 
the death of William Henry Harrison, it is matter of great felicita- 
tion that his mantle has fallen on the shoulders of one who so emi- 
nently promises to carry out the principles which brought the great 
Whig party in power. But scarcely is he seated in power — before 
his principles are developed, ere the excitement of the last conflict 
is subsided — the Opposition, with a spirit unparalleled, are striving 
to impair his weight of character, and lessen the public confidence 
in his abilities and patriotism. 

1\\^i political conflict, under every form, is an evil greatly to be 
deprecated, will readily be allowed ; but when the passions are ir- 
ritated and inflamed by resentment ; when to these are superadded 
the love of power and the thirst of revenge, we feel from the senti- 
ments of our nature, a sympathy with those who engage in the con- 
test; which, in victory, elevates and expands, and even amidst dis- 
comfiture and disappointment, soothes and consoles the mind. But 
when these incentives are withdrawn ; when the ardor and patriot- 
ism of the party are relinquished for a cold, calumniating, and in- 
extinguishable hatred ; when the laws and the constitution, the es- 
tablishment of great principles, and the permanency of our institu- 
tions, are no longer objects of regard, and a powerful party devotes 
itself to lie in wait for opportunities to assail the Administration 
with advantage, and to protract their own dying agonies, we sicken at 
the cheerless and deathlike prospect, and feel no emotions but those 
of 'horror and disgust. From the infirmities of our nature — from 



6 JOHN TYLER 



the Structure of our institutions — party contests are inevitable. But 
the common interests, and the common g-ood of the country, require 
that such strugi^lcs should be speedy and decisive. The thunder 
may roll, and the bolt may fall ; but when the storm is past, let us 
hope once more to see the atmosphere clear, even to the brightness 
of day. 

Freedom is supposed by many who understand the philosophy 
of Government, to derive great security from the existence of a 
regular opposition ; an expedient which is, in some respects, both 
the offspring and cherisher of faction. That a President should be 
opposed when his measures are destructive to his country, can ad- 
mit of no doubt; that a systematic opposition should be maintained 
against the I'resident, without regard to the principles he may pro- 
fess, or the measures he may propose, which is intended by a regu- 
lar organized Opposition, appears to be a most corrupt and unprin- 
cipled maxim. When a country is thus convulsed into parties 
distinguished by no leading principle, however warm and animated 
the discussions may be, it 'is plain they display only a struggle for 
power. If a measure be good, it is of no importance to the nation 
from whom it proceeds ; yet it will' be esteemed by the Opposition a 
point of honor not to let "it pass without throwing every obstacle in 
its way. In making these remarks, as regards the opposition to the 
Government, I am far from discountenancing a regular opposition, 
based upon principle. We cannot forget that the exercise of power, 
m whatever hands it is placed, will infallibly degenerate into tyran- 
ny, unless it is carefully watched. During the administrations of 
General Jackson and Mr. Van Burcn, the then ruling party made it 
their business to conceal abuses, to suppress investigation, to stifle 
complaints, and inculcated on the people, as their duty, a quiet and 
implicit submission to the direction of those at the head of the Go- 
vernment. These arc the maxims by which free states are enslaved. 
If that freedom which is the birthright of the American people is 
destined to go down to succeeding generations, it must result from 
the prevalence of an opposite spirit ; a lofty enthusiasm, an ardent 
attachment to liberty, and an incessant jealousy of the tendency of 
power to enlarge its pretensions and extend its encroachments. 

These remarks induce me to take a brief glance at the political 
character of the I'resident and his Cabinet. 

An Administration which yields protection, and abstains from op- 
pression ; which maintains order, and secures liberty ; which pre- 
serves national faith; whose basis is the people, and whose object is 
their happiness, is the great desideratum in conducting the affairs 
of a nation. To give health to the natural body, the blood must 
flow with regularity, and in even proportion to all its parts; so, to 
give vigor and vital energy to the body politic, the attention of Go- 
vernment must be directed to every section of the country. The in- 
terests of all must be consulted. The message of President Tyler 
contains principles which sustain me in the assertion, that all intc- 



PRESIDENT. 7 

rests will receive his protection, so far as the constitutional powers 
with which he is invested will allow. He recommends the practice 
of every useful economy, and not the imposition of unnecessary 
burdens; to cultivate peace, maintain commerce, the fortification of 
the sea-board, the preservation of the public faith, and he announces 
his determination to keep within the pale of the Constitution, and 
to cherish the Federal Union. What part of this message exhibits 
evidence of a disposition to engage in the labors of general destruc- 
tion, which characterized the efforts of the two preceding Adminis- 
trations? What part of it is hostile to the Federal Union, to pro- 
perty, peace, quiet, or national happiness 1 Is there any thing in 
his conduct, or in the opinions entertained by him, to justify the 
furious invectives that have been pronounced against him ? Or, is 
there, in reality, any thing in this address to alarm our fears, to en- 
danger our Union, or to bring down upon us those disastrous con- 
sequences, which vivid and phrenzied imaginations have depicted? 
If the spirit and design of this message were to be inferred only 
from the angry commentaries to which it has given rise, we should 
imagine nothing less than a most unholy combination for the pur- 
pose of destroying our rights, and involving us in difficulties and 
embarrassments. Who is President Tyler ? Early in hfe, we find 
him, by his persevering efforts, storing his mind with knowledge, 
and his heart with virtue, and thus rendering himself worthy of any 
station which his country could bestow; and the wisdom and fideli- 
ty with which he has executed every trust, are sufficient eulogies 
on his character. Such a man will never disgrace, but must shed 
lustre on the station which he now occupies. He has risen to his 
present station by a regular gradation of honors. Scarcely had he 
reached the age of twenty-one years, before he was elected by the 
people of his native county to represent them in the Legislature of 
Virginia. Here we find him zealous in his endeavors to effect 
the permanent prosperity of his native land : developing at an early 
period the science of government, and successfully promoting the 
adoption of measures calculated to advance the interests of the State. 
After remaining in this body a few years, he was elected to Con- 
gress. In this body he distinguished himself by several eloquent 
speeches. These were the virgin congressional efforts of Mr. 
Tyler. They were able and dignified ; and afforded promise of 
talents, which, as they ripened into greater maturity, have successive- 
ly pointed him out for a seat in the Senate of the United States ; for 
the Governor of Virginia ; and, subsequently, to occupy the station 
of Vice-President. 

As C4overnor of the commonwealth of Virginia, he devoted 
himself to the development of her resources, to the maintenance of 
her laws and constitution, and to those political principles with 
which her renown is so gloriously identified. 

In the year 1826, he was called by the Republicans of that an- 
cient and renowned commonwealth to the Senate of the United 



» JOHN TVLERj 

States. His talents and political integrity secured for Iiim, among 
those with whom he acted, a commanding influence; and his indus- 
trious application to the public business, the independence of his 
character, and the urbanity of his manners, were followed by the 
respect and esteem of all parlies in that body. His election to the 
Senate of the United States, is a sufficient proof of the estimation in 
which be was held byjhe Republican party. During his term of 
service in this body, great and momentous questions of civil policy 
and constitutional law were discussed and investigated. Probably 
at no period since the existence of the Government, were weightier 
matters controverted, and a greater amount of talent called into re- 
quisition, than in the years of 1830, '31, '32, '33, and '34. The 
deepest excitement pervaded the country. 

In December, 1832, General Jackson issued his celebrated Pro- 
clamation. It was designed to arrest the proceedings of the State of 
South Carolina, which were viewed as hostile to the existence of the 
union of the confederated Slates. With the view of carrying out his 
plans as laid down in this State paper, he called on Congress to in- 
vest him with larger powers. By many, distinguished for their 
love of country, the bill commonly called '' the force bill,'^ was 
deemed subversive of the rights of sovereign States. At this mo- 
ment, Mr. Tyler came forth with a mass of information, lucidly ar- 
ranged, and carefully and logically bodied forth, at once creditable 
to his talents as a speaker, and confessedly useful to the cause which 
he espoused, and the principles which he vindicated. 

In 1834, in consequence of the violent usurpations of General 
Jackson, the Senate of the United Stales adopted a resolution, cen- 
suring the President for the exertion of unconstitutional powers. 
Mr. Tyler, ever faithful to those ancient principles of Virginia, which 
were then sunk to the lowest depression, stood by the Constitution, 
and asserted its mandates. The resolution was adopted. Shortly 
thereafter, the Adminibtration gaining the ascendancy in that body, a 
re.solution was introduced by a Senator from Missouri, (o expunge 
this resuiution censuring the President lor exercising unconstitu- 
tional powers, and thus violating this sacred instrument. As Mr. 
Tyler had contributed his support to the adoption of this resolution, 
he resisted its cxjmnclion. The mutilation of the journals of the 
Senate he opposed with the greatest energy. During this alarming 
crisis, we find him distinguished by his fidelity to the interests of the 
country — by his stern devotion to his duty, and his inflexibility of 
principle. 

When instructed by that body from whence he derived his power 
as Senator of the United States, — and which every man is bound to 
consider the true representative of the will of the people of the 
State — to support the Expunging Resolution, he took the alterna- 
tive presented to the choice of every high-minded citizen. He acted 
as a man of principle and honor always acts. He could not obey, 
and he resigned, in order that the legislative body which instructed 



PRESIDENT. 9 

him might supply his place with one who could conscientiously 
obey its instructions. By this means he preserved his own integrity, 
without violating a duty of a representative of the people. He con- 
ducted himself like a faithful public servant, who, being commanded 
to do an act which he cannot approve, disdains to receive any longer 
the wages of a master he refuses to obey. He sacrificed a station as 
honorable as any which presents itself to the ambition of a citizen of 
the United States, and voluntarily sought retirement from a scene 
Avhich he embellished by his highly cultivated talents, and ennobled 
by his lofty and uncompromising integrity., 

Such an act of devotion to the great principle of representative re- 
sponsibility, is one that deserves to be recorded, not only for its mag- 
nanimity, but for its scarcity. 

It is the character and habit of the President not to yield a blind 
acquiescence to the opinions of any individual. His judgment was 
not satis.6ed with the propriety of the measure of removing the de- 
posites from the Bank of the United States. He foresaw the conse- 
quences it would produce, and desired an opportunity to investigate 
and reflect upon it. Such an opportunity he made an eflbrt to obtain, 
and, when that effort was successful, rather than unite with his po- 
litical friends in supporting a measure pregnant with results so ex- 
tensive and important, without a full conviction of its necessity or 
constitutionality, he chose, by manly independence, to hazard all 
the imputations to which his vote with the minority might possibly 
subject him. Those who acted with him were too well acquainted 
with the purity and firmness of his principles, political and moral, 
to misrepresent his motives, or to arraign the propriety of his con- 
duct. His opposition to this measure, and to the Expunging Reso- 
lution, elevated him greatly in the confidence of the Whig party. 
Although he had been ostracized — banished from the Senate of the 
United States — by a faithful adherence to the doctrines of instruction, 
his virtues and independence as a statesman still continued to hold a 
firm grasp on the aftections of the people. The Whig party, 
cherishing for him an elevated regard, placed him on the ticket with 
the late Gen. William Henry Harrison,, as their candidate for the 
Vice Presidency. With that distinguished individual he was ele- 
vated to ofiice by almost acclamation, and by the sudden death of 
that illustrious statesman,, he now fills the important office of Presi- 
dent of the United States. 

Possessing a philosophic comprehension of mind, which, leaving 
the beaten road of politics, adapts itself to new situations, and profits 
by the vicissitudes of opinion, equally removed from an attachment 
to antiquated forms, useless innovations, or exploded systems ; ca- 
pable of rising above the emergency of the moment to the most re- 
mote consequences; combining the past, the present, and the future ; 
and knowing how to defend with firmness, or concede with dig- 
nity — these are the qualities which the situation of the country 
renders indispensable in her Chief Magistrate. 



10 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

Such is the man who is controlling the political power of the 
Federal Government. The grounds of the confidence of the Whig 
party in his administration are simple. Tlie history of his life is a 
conclusive proof that his talents are fully adequate to the station. 
The integrity and independence of his character, and the qualities of 
his mind, temper, and manners, render him, it is believed, worthy 
of the station, and we feel satisfied that he will discharge the duties, 
with honor to himself, and advantage to the people. His experience 
has, at least, been considerable. His political views are well known. 
They are decidedly democratic, and they would induce him, as far 
as practicable, to govern his administration by the principles ex- 
pressed in the inauguration of the illustrious JefTerson. In this re- 
spect, his friends are firm in the belief that his administration will 
be more distinctly marked, and more congenial to the wishes and 
true interests of the people, than either of the two preceding Admin- 
istrations. 

A Native of Maryland. 



No. n. 

OBSERVATIONS ON THE POLITICAL LIFE AND SERVICES OF 
DANIEL WEBSTER, SECRETARY OF STATE. 

Wlicn ho first devoted himself to the public service, he considered how he 
should render himself fit for it; and this he did by endeavoring to dis- 
cover what it was that gave his country the rank it holds in tlie world. He 
found that its prosperity and dijfnity were principally, if not solely, from two 
sources : its Constitution and Commerce. Botli these he spared no study to 
understand, and no endeavor to sujjport. 

Mr. Burke's speech at Bristol, in 1774. 

Ut neque vera laus ct detracta^ neque falsa afficla esse videa- 
iur. — Cicero. 

There is not a better criterion of true greatness than the nomina- 
tion, by the Chief Magistrate, of the high officers of State ; and 
when these officers necessarily become his confidential advisers, 
accessible to him at all times, and on all occasions, and thus be- 
come the observers of his policy as well as his accomplishments, 
the ordeal becomes still more severe. If he appoint niea of loose 
morals, his own virtues become a matter of suspicion ; and if he 
appoint men of feeble minds, it may be permitted to doubt his talents 
or patriotism — talents which alone enable him to discover the merits 
of others, and patriotism which can alone impel hiiu to divide the 
Government with men of the same spirit. 



SECRETARY OF STATE. H 

When General Harrison took his seat as the President of the 
United States, he composed his cabinet of men of unimpeached 
virtue and of acknowledged talents. In this act he presented the 
nation with the strictest pledge of his determination to be directed 
by an upright policy, and to call to his aid the best talents of the 
country. Had he been prompted by the jealousy of a grovelling 
mind, he woxild have surrounded himself with men of moderate 
powers and of plastic tempers. Then he would have acquired the 
distinction of wielding the Government alone, and might have o-q- 
verned with absolute sway. But, above the petty admiration of 
tyrants, with his eyes fixed on the public welfare, he called to his 
aid men incapable of being seduced from the path of rectitude, or of 
sacrificing their independence. President Tyler, on his ascension 
to power, impressed with the importance of possessing a cabinet ele- 
vated in the scale of public estimation and intellectual endowments, 
determined, and wisely so, to retain the present cabinet, who, like 
the indicator of ornithology that leads the way to the collected honey 
of the forest, must, and will conduct the people of the United 
States to the highest enjoyment of prosperity and happiness. 

The nature of the Executive duties of a great nation is such as 
not to admit of discharge by one man. They are so various and 
extensive, that the exertions of an individual, however splendid or 
mighty, are inadequate to the task of fulfilling them. Although, 
therefore, the theory of the Government vests in the President the 
whole Executive power, qualified in some instances by the advice 
and consent of the Senate, yet it is no less manifest, from the legal 
provisions establishing the several departments, from the reason of 
the thing, that a division of power was contemplated among subor- 
dinate agents. Hence the establishment of six great departments, 
each possessed of a supreme control over a circumscribed sphere of 
delegated powers. 

At the head of each of these departments the President was re- 
quired, with the approbation of the Senate, to appoint individuals to 
take charge of the business belonging to each of the divisions of his 
power. It is apparent, from this feature of the Government, that 
much depends upon the characters called upon to fill the offices ; 
and particularly of those on whom are devolved the superintend- 
ence of the six great departments. To the Secretary of State is 
committed the conduct of our foreign relations, on which the peace 
and prosperity of the nation depend ; to the Secretary of the Trea- 
sury is committed the management of the whole revenues of the 
Government ; to the Secretaries of War and Navy are committed 
all the duties attached to those mighty engines of national defence ; 
and to the Postmaster General every thing pertaining to the trans- 
mission of the mails, &c. Besides the distinct discharge of those 
great duties, these high officers, in conjunction with the Attorney 
General, as members of the cabinet, are called upon to advise the 
President in all cases of great moment, and to co-operate in the taking 

B 



12 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

of efii'ctiial measures in every interesting crisis of affairs. From 
these considerations, the formation of a ministry has been deemed, 
under all Governments, a work of the greatest delicacy and diffi- 
culty; and so arduous as to have been reputed a criterion of talents 
of the man at the head of affairs. In proportion to the freedom of 
the Government does this difficulty increase; for, under free go- 
vernments, it is not only necessary that men of talents should be 
appointed, but likewise that they should enjoy the confidence of the 
people, without whose hearty co-operation it is impossible for such 
a Government to be efficient or respected. 

VVlien, therefore, the late Chief Magistrate assumed the reins of 
Government, it was with no misapplied solicitude that the nation 
looked forward to the designation of these great officers of State. 
Mr. Webster was called to preside over the State Department ; Mr. 
Evving, of Ohio, as Secretary of the Treasury; Mr. Bell, of Ten- 
nessee, over the War Department, and Mr. Badger, of North Caro- 
lina, over the Navy; Mr. Granger, of New York, as Postmaster 
General ; and Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, as Attorney General. 

Among the distinguished citizens of the United States, there is 
scarcely one who, from his character and talents, as well as his po- 
litical principles and conduct, merits elevated station, and who has a 
stronger hold on the confidence and on the affections of the people, 
than the Secretary of State. From the period of his first appear- 
ance in public life to the present moment, his course has never alter- 
ed, and his whole career has been characterized by eminent services 
and the most ardent patriotism. 

He has been, without intermission, the decided Whig, the firm 
Republican, and the strenuous adversary of all invasions of liberty. 
Possessed of a spirit that disdains to yield to circumstances, he never 
swerved in his political faith, even in the days of the greatest infa- 
tuation. But his manliness was tempered w-ith a moderation that, 
while it asserted its own rights, left undisturbed the rights of others. 
Quick in his perceptions and prompt in his decisions, he has long 
been considered as the man of business, and, as a consequence, so far 
eminently qualified for the discharge of duties not admitting of delay. 

In a season of faction, strife, and selfishness, and suspicion, he 
has passed from subordination to eminence, without deviating for a 
moment from the path of independence, openness, and honor ; has 
condescended to no solicitations, mixed with no sordid purposes, 
controlled no political alliance, participated in no intrigue. Perse- 
cuted by his enemies he has not sunk into submission ; flat- 
tered by his friends, he has not become inflated with self-love. ^ 

To attain a high station in public confidence, which is so honora- 
ble in a free country, it is necessary that one should devote a long 
life to the study of her laws and institutions, her history, her domes- 
tic and foreign relations, the principles of her public policv, the tem- 
per of her people, the genius of her political system, and the spirit 
of her government ; nor even then may he expect this high eleva- 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 1$ 

lion, until he has exhibited the possession of that profound talent, 
those political principles and great moral qualifications Avhich alone 
can adorn her public councils, and perpetuate the civil liberties of 
the country. I would ask, without the fear of receiving any answer 
that would disappoint me, whether the Opposition know any man 
who surpasses Mr. Webster as an enlightened statesman; who for 
the last twenty-five years has had more experience of state affains 
and who has given greater proof of steady attention to public busi- 
ness; w^ho possessed, in a greater degree, all those qualities which 
go to qualify a man for great affairs ; whose transcendent talents 
makes him an exception to almost any rule that requires uncommon 
powers of intellect? 

The profound and varied learning, the pure and refined taste, un- 
bending moral courage, the conscientious attention to the points of 
duty, his dignified intercourse with his fellow-citizens — these are 
some of the peculiar features which have marked his character and 
conduct, and have insured him the affectionate regard of the people 
of the United States. 

Gathering from the monuments of ancient experience the lessons 
of wisdom which might guide his course ; looking abroad on our 
own times, and those not uneventful, to check by practice the appli- 
cation of wrong principles; and exercising a sublime judgment, 
which enables him to foresee with perfect accuracy of discernment 
the consequences of a proposed operation, he stands on all occasions 
on prominent ground, and thus imparts to his opinions great and 
commanding influence. 

His profound acquaintance with the code of international law, 
which knits the nations of the earth together, his wonderful ability 
for comprehending and reasoning, his quickness of apprehension 
his faculty for analyzing a subject to its elements, for seizing on the 
essential points, for going back to principles and forward to conse- 
quences, and for bringing out in an intelligible and sometimes a very 
obvious form what appears obscure or perplexed, are some of the 
distinguishing traits of Mr. Webster's mind, and so eminently fits 
him to preside at the head of the State Department. 

Few men have ranged over a more extensive domain of know- 
ledge. His vast genius, seconded by a memory of extraordinary 
tenacity, has rendered him master of every department of knowledge 
appertaining to the code of national law. ' In general literature, his- 
tory, and commercial jurisprudence, he is one of the most distin- 
guished of our fellow-citizens. 

As his extensive reading and mature study of every thing con- 
nected with the operations of the Government, fully entitle him to 
pronounce an authoritative opinion, the result is, that his views are 
always offered with the confidence which a thorough conviction of 
their accuracy necessarily produces, but, at the same time, with the 
modesty which ever attends upon true greatness. 

He investigates every subject with a commanding and compre- 



14 DANIEL WEBSTERj 

hcnsive spirit, with a tone of general justice, a full knowledge of 
maritime usages, and a disposition to consider the laws of nature 
and of nations as the unwritten law of the world, rather than the 
municipal code of a single nation ; and he draws from all sources, 
ancient and modern, the best and soundest principles to aid, to illus- 
trate, and conlirni his own judgment. With him, the comprehensive 
learning of Grotius, and the elaborate examinntions of Bynkershoek, 
the acute and the profound elementary principles of Vattel, the ar- 
gumentative commentaries and luminous treatise of Ruthcrforth, and 
the enlightened productions of other publicists of continental Europe, 
appear as perfectly familiar as the writers of his own country. He 
manifestly reposes upon them, even when he does not cite them ; 
and transfuses into his diplomatic communications w'hatever they 
afford of general doctrine or just interpretation, upon all questions 
involving principles of international law. In reading his commu- 
nication to the British Minister, Mr. Fox, one scarcely knows which 
most to admire, the simplicity of his principles, the classical beauty 
of his diction, the calm and dispassionate spirit of his investigations, 
his firm and patriotic estimate of consequences, his deep indignation 
of wrong, chastened by habitual moderation, or that pervading know- 
ledge of European controversies, and the principles which have led 
to their adjustment, and the deep insight into the spirit of war, and 
the duties and obligations of nations, recognising and acting upon 
the refined and civilized code of international law. This commu- 
nication is replete with erudition, fine reasoning, acute distinctions, 
and solid principles, such as might well guide the sober sense of the 
cabinets of the European w'orld upon important points of interna- 
tional law, and cast a strong light upon its oracles. Who has writ- 
ten with so much purity of principle, so consonant with the spirit of 
the age, such sound sense, such precise judgment, such practical 
propriety, on the leading points of an aggressive war? Who has 
treated the whole subject of international law, in throwing the shield 
of immunity over the shoulders of a man who executes the high 
behest of his sovereign, so fully, so profoundly, so truly, with a 
view to its justice and advancement, as Mr. Webster? In short, 
who possesses a more comprehensive experience, and a deeper 
knowledge of our foreign relations, or the principles which should 
form the basis of our negotiations with foreign powers ? Of all the 
duties assigned to Executive agents, those attached to the Depart- 
ment of State are the most important. From their peculiar nature 
they require a mind not only of the first lustre, but likewise one re- 
gulated by habitual prudence. He who discharges them should, 
moreover, be possessed of the public confidence. A man more emi- 
nently combining these qualifications was not, perhaps, to be found, 
than Mr. Webster. 

A state of continual peace is not to be expected. Little does he 
know of the condition of mankind, little docs he know of the signs 
of the times on the other side of the Atlantic or on this, who sup- 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 15 

poses the repose of the world is settled. The leaven is at work in 
Europe. Popular rights have never acquired such consistence and 
organization, individuality of being, and yet such universality of in- 
fluence ; such constant exertion, and such depth of hold on the inte- 
rests and affections, on the sentiments and opinions of the citizen and 
community: they now exert a tremendous power in European affairs, 
and affect every possible relation of life. High are now the mur- 
murs and complaints against the inactive disposition of the Govern- 
ment of England. The jealousy of the English Government to- 
wards Russian greatness, whose colossal mass of physical strength, 
and whose principles of policy, foreign and domestic, are so much 
to be dreaded, is daily augmenting. Austria is now engaged in 
contracting an alliance to aid her in the prosecution of her views of 
aggrandizement, and stands opposed to the policy of her great rival, 
France. An interference by any of the powers in the internal con- 
cerns of Turkey, will beget mutual jealousy and opposition. Our 
affairs with England are unadjusted, and threaten serious difficulties. 

England is at this time the most formidable power in the world • 
she has the most numerous army and navy at her command. We, 
on the contrary, are the most growing nation on earth ; most rapidly 
improving in those very particulars in which she excels. The 
question presents itself, will the greater power permit the less to 
attain its destined greatness by natural growth, or will she take mea- 
sures to disturb her advancement ? Those who know the history of 
nations, will not believe that a rival will look unmoved on this pros- 
perity. 

It has been said that nations have heads. Every statesman and 
every one who loves his country, who wishes to maintain the dig- 
nity of that country, to see it attain the summit of greatness and pros- 
perity, regards the progress of other nations with a jealous eye. 
The English statesmen have always so acted. Moreover, we have 
a Government of a new order, perfectly distinct from all which ever 
preceded it. A Government founded on the rights of man, restino-, 
not on inonarchical authority, not on prejudice, not on superstition, 
but upon reason. This is another source of jealousy. 

At such a momentous period in the history of nations as this, it 
may be remarked, that it must be matter of congratulation indeed, 
that a man of Mr. Webster's transcendent talents has been called to 
preside over the State Department. It is to be presumed, that in all 
treaties or diplomatic communications with foreign countries, the 
influence of national attachments will induce him to promote as far 
as possible, the welfare of the United States, and protect our national 
sovereignty as a vital right. It would, indeed, be a novelty in po- 
litical history, that an individual who stands so deservedly hio-h with 
his fellow-countrymen, should prostrate their rights and their power 
at the foot of a foreign prince. Gratitude, personal respect, love of 
power, lofty sentiment, and, in short, every motive which can actu- 
ate the human mind, operate to produce the most patriotic results. 



16 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

An acute and lively sensibility to every invasion of national so- 
vereignty, of the rights of property, or of our commercial privi- 
leges, is one of the strongest characteristics of freedom in modern 
times; and there is no people on earth more distinguished for it than 
the citizens of the United States. Judging from the past, we may 
tinhesitatingly predict that this spirit, which is prominent in the 
character of the people of the United States, has been thoroughly 
imbibed by our distinguished Secretary of State. 

But the American people must be satisfied, from recent develop- 
ments, that there is a disreputable plot to sacrifice the reputation of 
illustrious American citizens, whose names are entwined with all 
that is splendid and profitable in the history of American legisla- 
tion, that the political friends of Mr. Van Buren may reign. These 
men boast that their presses and their pens exterminated Mr. Adams, 
and they fondly flatter themselves that, before the eyes of the nation 
shall be open to their selfish schemes and wicked combinations, 
they will bury Mr. Webster in the same political grave, and thus 
overthrow the Administration. We cannot understand the feelings 
of those who would level whatever has been most eminent among 
us — who would pluck down from the sphere in which the common 
consent of the people has fixed them, names which are inseparably 
combined with the annals and with the renown of the republic. 
Parties may be gratified by this temporary degradation; but Ame- 
rica has an interest in the preservation of their fame. Mr. Webster 
has, of late, become the subject of the most vindictive persecution. 
While those who have had the most favorable opportunities of be- 
coming acquainted with his public character have honored him with 
the most unequivocal tokens of their confidence and regard, he has 
been assailed by his enemies with a degree of rancor and vitupe- 
ration unparalleled in the history of political strife. Language is 
ransacked, declamation exhausted, to raise the public indignation 
against him. It does not often happen that the sentiments of a his- 
torian are in unison with his omi private character. Sallust em- 
ployed the color of his eloquence to paint the depravity of the crimes 
which he describes ; but his own morals were not free from re- 
proach. 

The impression of character on the public mind is intimately allied 
with that of principle ; so that, in questions of policy, it is vain to 
expect men will condescend to be instructed by those whom they are 
taught to despise. The practice of misrepresenting the most illus- 
trious men, has grown fashionable among us. With amazement 
and indignation we have witnessed an attempt of this kind on the 
character of the Secretary of State, made, if our information be cor- 
■ rect, by Senators in Congress, and by a Governor in a distant State, 
and' in the Opposition presses, in which every shade of imperfection 
which heated imaginations could invent, or ingenuity surmise, has 
been industriously brought forward for the purpose of sinking him 
in public estimation. Have they accomplished the object intended by 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 17 

this studied misrepresentation ? They have certainly failed in their 
malignant efforts. While the hatred entertained against Mr. Web- 
ster was already so violent as would seem -to admit of no aug- 
mentation, his friends have been perfectly astonished at the littleness 
of soul, and the callousness to every kind feeling which could de- 
light in mangling such a character. 

The Secretary of State has mingled freely with parties maintain- 
ing opposite doctrines. "Whether he has acted right or wrong in all 
the measures which lie has been called on to advocate or condemn, it 
becomes not our province to inquire. That he approved himself to 
his own conscience, there is not the least room to doubt. Admitting 
his conduct in some instances to have been even objectionable, let it 
be temperately censured, but let it not obliterate from our recollec- 
tion the patient self-denial, the unextinguishable ardor of patriotism, 
the immense labors, and the great success of this extraordinary 
man. 

It may not, however, be unacceptable to the reader, that we should 
state, in a brief narrative, the leading events of his political career, 
marking the periods of his gradual advancement in public life, 
and collecting such facts and circumstances as may render it a faith- 
ful record of the principles of this illustrious statesman, and of the 
eloquence with which those principles were illustrated and en- 
forced. ' 

The political positions which Mr. Webster has occupied, present 
the consideration of three distinct eras. The first commences from 
his entrance into Congress, in 1813, and extends to 1816. The 
second comprehends the period from 1 823 to 1 827. The third era — 
the most glorious for the fame of Mr. Webster — the happiest for the 
destinies of the country — embraces the period which takes its date 
from the commencement of his Senatorial term, to its termination. 
These eras, each of them important, invite a separate considera- 
tion. 

There have been few persons on whom was imposed, in equal 
degree, the difficulty of proving himself equal to the fame for elo- 
quence and vigor of thought, which had preceded him to Congress, 
before he became a member of it. Throughout the session of 1813, 
that hesat in Congress, his attention was active and vigilant — his 
attendance constant ; but, although alluring opportunities for the dis- 
play of his great powers of mind were not wanting, he preserved 
strict silence. He seems to have devoted this first session to acquire 
the useful knowledge of the forms and rules of Congress. 

In January, 1814, upon Mr. Eppes' proposition to establish a 
kind of conscription, Mr. Webster delivered a speech, sustaining the 
celebrity of his talents. To those whose recollections bear them 
back to the remote day on which the great statesman first started 
into political life, and those who have witnessed the matured bril- 
liancy of his career, will alike feel delight in tracing to its source 
that rich stream of eloquence, which, for more than twenty-seven 
c 



18 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

years, has flowed, majestic and powerful, the pride and ornament 
of the nation. 

To enable us to comprehend the conduct of a political actor, it is 
necessary to take a view of public affairs at the commencement of 
his agency, and to remark their progress and variations during its 
continuance. 

When Mr. Webster first entered on the business of the nation, 
he found Europe convulsed by Vv-ars, and by internal dissensions. 
He found a portentous state of affairs existing, different from any 
thing which had appeared in the political horizon for many years, 
and which gave rise, while it continued, to political systems, views, 
and opinions at variance with the tranquil existence of Europe. He 
discovered a mighty power, displaying, under the pretence of es- 
tablishing freedom at home and promoting it abroad, a spirit of gi- 
gantic and unparalleled ambition. He found, also, a powerful state in 
possession of a commerce of which the world affords no example, en- 
deavoring to interpolate into the laws of nations, niceties and way- 
ward distinctions, wholly at war with the peace and tranquillity of 
this country. The belligerent wanted her citizens for the defence 
of his existence ; the neutral wanted them for profit. The be- 
ligerent assumed the right to reclaim his own subjects. Moreover, 
the British government undertook to interdict all neutral trade, 
which was not permitted in times of peace ; to search neutral vessels 
on the high seas for contraband of war, and enemies' property; they 
declared the whole coast of the continent of Europe in a state of 
blockade, and, by a sort of argumentative reasoning, the substantial 
and very important right of prohibiting the people of the United 
States from trading with any other except Great Britain. A tacit 
acquiescence in pretensions thus lofty and comprehensive, would 
have been an abandonment of rights openly recognised, and a dere- 
liction of the most important commercial interests of the country. 
It was contended, on the other hand, that the rights of internal com- 
mercial regulation in articles of an innoxious nature is one of the 
essential, inherent rights of every independent sovereignty, and, 
with the exception of trading to blockaded ports, or in articles con- 
traband of war, every Government has a right to sell the surplus 
articles of its manufactures and produce to neutral merchants. The 
conditions proposed by Great Britain for the settlement of these con- 
flicting pretensions being inadmissible, the Congress of the United 
States, in 1812, announced to the world a declaration of war. 

It must be observed, that Mr. Webster was not a member of the 
Congress that took this important step, nor a member of any other 
'political body ; consequently, he stands disconnected from any oppo- 
sition to placing the nation in a hostile attitude to Great Britain. 
But as his enemies find grounds of crimination in subsequent trans- 
actions, we will therefore briefly review the part he took in the 
measures connected with the prosecution of the war, and ascertain 
whether he is properly chargeable with the imputations which 
have been made against him. 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 19 

We have now reached that precise point of distance from the events 
of the late war, when the history of it may be sketched with the 
greatest advantage. It is sufficiently remote to open all desirable 
access to every repository of information regarding it, and to sanc- 
tion the utmost freedom which justice may require, in the delinea- 
tion of the conduct of individual actors in it. But what is of far 
higher importance, the reader is now able to comprehend the rela- 
tive situations of those engaged in the prosecution of the war, unob- 
scured by the passions and prejudices of factions, and to make a just 
estimate of the real merits of the part performed by each of the dis- 
tinguished men in the Congress of 1813 and 1814. 

Dr. Linn, of the United States Senate, has taken a prominent part 
in arraigning the conduct of the Secretary of State at the bar of pub- 
lic opinion. In an attempt to trace the causes which led to the 
overthrow of his party, and to point out the defective policy of the 
dominant party in all its true points, nothing is more requisite than 
a large and catholic spirit, wholly emancipated from the trammels 
of party, joined with extensive knowledge and a discriminating 
judgment. In both of these qualities he is deficient. He looks at 
every thing so entirely through the medium of party, that, though 
he cannot be said to be absolutely blind, he is quite incapable of 
seeing afar off. His remarks are often shrewd, such as indicate a 
mind awakened attentively to the scenes which have passed before 
him. He is sometimes acute, never comprehensive; inaccurate in 
details ; with little capacity for tracing the consequences or unfolding 
the energy of general principles. There is a complication in his 
view's quite incompatible with perfect purity of intention. He must 
be regarded as an artful, bigoted partisan, acting under the disguise 
of patriotism. Severe as this may seem, we are persuaded our 
readers will acknowledge its justice, when they are apprised of the 
leading statements and positions contained in his bill of indictment 
against the Secretary of State. 

From the period of his taking charge of the State Department, 
the Opposition party have made a systematic attack on his conduct 
and principles. It has been declared that they could never rest 
satisfied, until he was displaced from office, as a punishment for 
what they considered and pronounced to be his anti-republican 
doctrines. All former acts of his political life have been brought 
forward in array against him. He has been abused without measure 
for his unchastened ambition ; he has been accused of having op- 
posed the late war. 

In relation to his opposition to the war, there are kw of the in- 
disputable events in the life of Mr. Webster which have suffered 
more diversified atid wanton mutilation than this portion of his po- 
litical conduct. 

It was impossible for his enemies to have formed a charge more 
destitute of foundation, more easily refuted, or more open to the 
chastisement of severe reproof. 



20 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

In styling Mr. Webster as standing in opposition to the last war, 
if the Opposition intend to impute to him a want of love ot coun- 
try, it must be pronounced a wicked calumny, and we challenge the 
production of the proof which sustains the iniput;itioii,or wliich con- 
victs him of hostility to the liberties of his coimtry. 

On the 15th day of October, 1814, Mr. Webster took his seat for 
the first time, during that session, in the Congress of the United 
States. In tiiat boily, the journals bear ample testimony that he 
sustained, on many occasions, the measures of the Administration, 
and voted with the Republican party. By an examination, it will be 
discovered that his name stands recorded among the A'oles of Macon, 
Cheves, and others who were strongly attached to the administration 
of Mr. Madison. He supported the proposition to augment the naval 
power. He wished to hifusc into this great arm of national defence 
more formidable terror. He wished to provide a naval power that 
would give security to our commerce, and to protect the country 
against all the accumulating perils to which the nation might be 
exposed. He wished to lay the foundation of a system which should 
be adequate to the full exigencies of the crisis ; and combine two 
apparently irreconcilable objects — of relieving the people from all 
future pressure of taxation, by extending secAirity to our commercial 
operations, and thus augmenting our revenue ; and exhibiting to the 
enemy resources by which we might defy his implacable enmity, to 
"whatever period the war might be prolonged. Mr. Webster knew 
full well, that in conjoint expeditions fighting comprises but a part; 
and if there be a contention between the army and navy, it is who 
shall have the greatest share of danger. The safety and succfess of 
the troops often depend on the active co-operation of the navy to 
supply all their wants. An American army in a distant land 
without a fleet to attend it, is nearly as much at a loss as that fleet 
would be without a sufficient depth of water. His hopes for car- 
rying out these plans for the protection of our extensive coast, were 
strengthened by collateral considerations. When he looked to the 
great increase of our maritime power ; when he contemplated the 
additional naval triumphs that we had obtained ; when he looked to 
the brilliant victories of our armies, gained over the flower of the 
troops of Great Britain, which, in the opinion of many, were invin- 
cible — when he reflected upon these glorious achievements, he had 
the satisfaction to see that we had added strength to our security, and 
lustre to our national character. The navy had covered the coun- 
try with renown ; scarcely one fleet ventured to forsake the ports of 
Great Britain, that did not supply new laurels to the gallant de- 
fenders of the country. The splendid achievements of the navy had 
enabled the country to combine new measures of' resistance against 
the enemy. Its exploits had imparted new i^mpulse to the country, 
new courage and confidence. Hence Mr. Webster's energetic 
efforts to augment the naval power of the country. 

Let me appeal to every one if this conduct was not fair, just, and 



SECRETARY OF STATE, 21 

reasonable ; if it did not bespeak sincere intentions, and an anxious 
Avish on the part of Mr. Webster to assist in the prosecution of the 
war, consistently with his views of national policy. And is it not 
entitled to a candid reception ? 

As the maritime rights of the United States had been intrenched 
upon by Great Britain — as Great Britain sought to inflict a coercive 
jurisdiction upon the commerce and navigation of the United States; 
and basing her actions upon pretensions unknown to the laws of 
nations, undeveloped in the elementary work of the civilian, nor ex- 
emplified in the maritime usages of any country, Mr, Webster, al- 
though coming from a district of country opposed to many of the 
leading measures of Mr. Madison's administration, it most assuredly 
redounds on his honor and patriotism, that he gave his exertions to- 
wards carrying out a great measure of that administration, and ad- 
vocated the increase of the navy, with the view of assailing the 
enemy on that very element where those wrongs had been inflicted, 
and forcing Great Britain to surrender her lofty and comprehensive 
pretensions to maritime supremacy, and submit to our overtures for 
a fair and honorable peace. 

When Mr. Monroe's bill for a sort of conscription was intro- 
duced, he joined with Mr. Eppes, a distinguished republican repre- 
sentative from Virginia, (who was elected to Congress over Mr. 
Randolph, in consequence of the hostility of the latter to the Admin- 
istration,) in defeating a project which, except in a moment of great 
anxiety and excitement, would probably have had no defenders. 
But when, on the other hand, the bill for '' encouraging enlist- 
ments" was before the House, he held, in January, 1814, the fol- 
lowing strong and patriotic language : 

'' The humble aid which it will be in my power to render to 
measures of the Government shall be given cheerfully, if Govern- 
ment will pursue measures which / can conscientiously support. 
If, even now, failing in an honest and sincere attempt to procure a 
just and honorable peace, it will return to measures of defence and 
protection, such as reason and common sense, and the public opinion 
all call for, my vote shall not be withholden from the means." 

Again: "Apply that revenue to the organization of your navy. 
That navy will in turn protect your commerce. Let it be no 
longer said, that not one of our ships, built by your hands since the 
war, yet floats upon the ocean. Turn the currents of your efforts 
into the channel which national sentiment has already worn broad 
and deep to receive it. A naval force, competent to defend your 
coast against considerable armaments, to convoy your trade, and 
perhaps remove the blockade of your rivers, is not a chimera. It 
may be realized. If the war must continue, go to the ocean. If 
yoib are seriously contending for maritime rights, go to the theatre 
where alone these rights can be defended. Thither every indica- 
tion of yowr fortunes points you. There the united xvishcs and 
emotions of the nation ivill go with you. Even party divisions.^ 



22 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

acrimonious as they are, cease at the water's edge. They are lost 
in attachment to national character, on the element where that 
character is made respectable. In protecting naval interests by- 
naval means, you will cover yourselves with the irhole power of 
national sentiment, and may command the whole abundance of the 
national resources. In time, you may be enabled to redress injuries 
in the place where they may be ofFered ; and, if need be, to accom- 
pany your flag tliroughout the world with the protection of your 
own cannon." — Speech, 1814, '15. 

Even the support of this national measure docs not protect him 
from imputations unworthy of his public life. 

But Governor Polk, of Tennessee, who has taken an active part 
in e.xhibiting specifications against Mr. Webster, sees nothing in the 
support of this measure, to augment the naval power of the country, 
to commend. He is as anxious to avert praise as to apply censure ; 
and employs in his service, when facts cannot be found, misstate- 
ments or hypotheses, following the ancient rule of malice ; 

Fleeter e si nequeo superos, Acheronta movebo. 

If Governor Polk be so hostile to all of those individuals \yho op- 
posed the declaration of war, he should, for the sake of consistency, 
carry out his views. He should embrace in his denunciations those 
who opposed the war on the floor of Congress. Who, I ask, de- 
nounced the Administration on account of the declaration of war ? 
Look at the opposition of Mr. Randolph ! Read his speeches ia 
Congress, and his letters to his constituents — do they not breathe 
hostility to the war, and to Mr. Madison's administration? Mr. 
Randolph voted against the resolution reported by the Committeeof 
Foreign Relations, "that an additional force often thousand irregu- 
lar troops ought to be immediately raised to serve for three years." 
Did not Mr. Randolph vote against the declaration of war ? Did he 
not state, on the floor of Congress, that no man of self-respect would 
accept of a commission in the army ? 

The rupture of John Randolph with Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Ma- 
dison, took place as early as 1806, and it never was so far healed as 
to unite the severed parts. From 1806, throughout the whole of the 
trying period which preceded the war of 1812, Mr. Randolph was 
in active and bitter opposition to the Republican party, and to all its 
measures, which he was in the daily habit of denouncing with the 
most unsparing severity. But of the general character of his poli- 
tics at that time, a few brief extracts will serve to give the reader the 
best idea. To them, therefore, we refer. From the writings and 
speeches of Mr. Randolph in the critical period of 1811-12, we 
quote as follows: 

" As Chatham and Burke and the whole band of British patriots 
prayed for her defeat in 1776, so must some of the truest friends to 
their country deprecate the success of our arms against the only 
power that holds in check the arch enemy of mankind. His word 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 



23 



for it (Mr. R. said) Virginia planters would not be taxed to support 
such a war — a war which must aggravate their present distresses — 
in which they had not the remotest interest." — Speech of December 
10, 181 1, 07b the report of the Committee of -Foreign Relations. 

" This event [of warj has not happened ; but if it does, tlie conclu- 
sion will be irresistible, and this Government will stand branded to 
the latest posterity as the panders of French despotism — as the tools, 
the minions, sycophants, parasites of France." — Speech May 29, 
1812. 

" I consider a war with England, under existing circumstances, 
as comporting neither with the interest nor the honor of the Ameri- 



cans." 



It is a fact too well established in the political history of the coun- 
try to require the production of proof, that xMr. Randolph was deci- 
dedly a prominent favorite with General Jackson's cabinet. In 1830 
he was nominated as Minister to Russia, and the Senate confirmed 
the nomination. Was his opposition to the war, I ask, stated as an 
objection to the confirmation of his appointment? What Senator in 
his seat, what Governor in a distant State, what party press ever 
proclaimed to the country that Mr. Randolph was hostile to the Go- 
vernment of the United States'? If his opposition to the war mani- 
fested a want of attachment to the Government, why did Gen. Jack- 
son send him abroad to negotiate with a foreign power ? With 
these facts before them, why did they sanction this appointment 1 
Why did Governor Polk sleep upon the watchtower and suffer the 
enemy to enter the citadel? Or why is he now so industriously 
engaged in ransacking the journals of Congress, during the time that 
Mr. Webster was a member of that body — a period, the expiration 
of which is nearly twentv-six years distant — and when he found, in 
the list of yeas and nays, his name recorded to a vote which he dis- 
approves, he imputes, without knowing any of the grounds upon 
which it was given, the worst of motives. Is this fair? Is it just? 
Is it candid? Grant him all the patriotism that beats warm in his 
heart — that feels for his country's rights, and exults in her triumphs, 
the reader who takes him as a guide, along the way, may well he- 
sitate at yielding- a full credence to all of his statements, especially 
when he finds that his assertion as regards Mr. Webster's opposition 
to the war is contradicted by the whole country. When the ho- 
nored of other hearts are to be debased ; the views of other statesmen 
to be depreciated; the political principles of statesmen to be misun- 
derstood or misrepresented, and vilified and sacrificed, according to 
the wishes and phantasies of this ardent politician ; and this, too, in 
the shape of constant insinuation against all and every thing that 
militates against his views, we are tempted to ask, who made him a 
judge? — to recall the maxim, Ne sutor ultra crepidam. 

At a distance of twenty-six years, it can hardly be expected that 
Mr. Webster should be able to recollect, and still h'ss to state, the 
motives or reason upon which every one of these votes were given; 



24 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

but ill the National Intelligencer, a few weeks ago, the reasons 
which infhiced him to vote on all those measures for which he has 
been arraigned, are fully and satisfactorily set forth, and must carry 
conviction to the candid" of all parties, of the correctness of his ac 
lions, and purity and soundness of his patriotism. 

But, if Mr. Webster's conduct be so reprehensible, are not all of 
the Republicans who concurred in opinion with him involved in the 
same dilemma ? There were many of them who voted with the 
minority, most ardent Republicans, and the most devoted friends of 
Mr. Madison's administration. According to the logic of the Globe, 
they are all in the same condition. 

The Opposition party have repeatedly pronounced high and de- 
served euloginms upon the illustrious conduct and character of the 
late Nathaniel Macon. Mr. Webster has been referred to him as 
a bright example of patriotism and republicanism, and it has been 
lamented that, with such an example before him, Mr. Webster should 
have so wandered from the path of rectitude. We take this stand- 
ard of excellence. AVe agree to judge Mr. Webster's actions by 
those of Mr. Macon ; and if we show that this pure and distinguished 
patriot really committed the same political offence for which Mr. 
Webster has been put on trial, we hope there will be an end of the 
complaint. 

December 22, 1812, Mr. Macon, of North Carolina, voted against 
the bill to increase the navy, as also Messrs. Barwell and Clopton, 
of Virginia, and Desha, of Kentucky. 

On Mr. Desha's bill to issue Treasury notes, in order to enable 
the Treasury Department to fulfil its engagements, and to furnish 
the army with supplies, Ave find Mr. Macon, of North Carolina, Mr. 
King, of the same State, now Senator from Alabama, and Calhoun, 
of South Carolina, voting in the negative; Mr. Webster in the ne- 
gative. 

But as Governor Polk has assumed the judgment seat, he ought 
to deal out distributive justice with an impartial hand. 

Amicus Plato, amicus Socralcs^ sed magis arnica Veritas. 

If the Opposition, who have indulged in such strong denuncia- 
tions of Mr. Webster's course in the Congress of the United States, 
in 1814, had looked into that body, they would have seen there the 
patriots who r'ocked in the cradle of liberty; they would have seen 
there the statesmen and warriors who had borne no dishonorable 
parts in the annals of their country, and in her fields of glory ; they 
would have seen there men voting Avith him, full of the feeling of 
independence, and naturally jealous of all governments but their 
own; they would have seen there men whose piirity of purpose 
and unboundi d patriotism, whose character slander itself never dared 
to assail, who concurred in political views with Mr. Webster, in 
reference to the policy of the Federal Government. 

There was one who concurred generally with Mr. Webster, 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 25 

as regarded the policy of the Federal Government, one whose 
blood flowed freely on the field of Eutaw — who carried with him 
to his grave the scars and Avounds which he received in that memo- 
rable conflict — was he inimical to his country? Was General 
Philip Stuart, of Maryland, a traitor? There was another, the 
learned jurist and distinguished statesman, Judge Gaston, of North 
Carolina — he who "was baptized in the blood of a revokitionary 
father" — was he an enemy to his country? There was another, 
who was deputed by Mr. Madison as one of the commissioners to 
negotiate the treaty of peace, who had opposed the embargo, ivhich 
teas a loar measure, and who generally concurred in the policy pur- 
sued by those with whom Mr. Webster was associated in Congress — 
who has been considered one of the most illustrious citizens and 
public benefactors, whose name and memory will be revered as long 
as distinguished talents and eminent public virtue shall be respected 
and honored anywhere — urns Bayard a traitor? If the living 
only were involved in* this test of public integrity, we could bear 
them with more composure; but we must certainly wish that these 
judgments had been spared, which may inscribe a censure on the 
illustrious dead. 

And by whom are these charges made? Are they not made by 
politicians whose importance has been generated by the eflluvia of a 
corrupt, fcetid atmosphere — who have set up for political teachers, 
and whose disciples give no other proof of their progress in repub- 
licanism, except a blind devotion to the most ruthless despotism 
that the country ever saw? These are the patriots who scruple not 
to brand Avilh unworthy epithets the men by whose blood the liber- 
ties of the country have been cemented, and by whose toils and in- 
cessant labors the blessings of a Constitution have been preserved to 
the people. And does it become these self-styled patriots to assail 
the motives and actions of men whose renown is as imperishable as 
their country's fame? 

An amiable man, who had carefully and principally studied for 
some years the theory of surgery, but who had personally engross- 
ed but a small share of actual practice, entered during the last war 
as surgeon on board a privateer. One of the crew, in an action 
with an enemy's ship, in which they were victorious, had his leg so 
severely shattered by a cannon ball that it was deemed expedient 
immediately to amputate the wounded limb. 'I'he young surgeon, 
in the irejjidation arising from an over-anxiety to do right, very 
meritoriously, but somewhat unfortunately, cut off the wrong leg. 
The crew of the piivateer did not take a very philosophical view of 
the case, but, liK-i; the world at large, they estimated the value of the 
operator rather by mere physical success than by moral excellence, 
and even the patient himself did not duly appreciate the kind zeal of 
his medical friend. He was accordingly compelled to abandon a 
profession, which, ii good intentions are a passport to advancement, 
he was formed to adorn, and betook himself to other callings — in 
D 



26 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

each of which, successively, the same over-anxiety always gave a 
pretext to ignorant impatience for checking the aspirant, unfortu- 
nately for mankind, at the commencement of his course. The sur- 
geon acted upon a deep feeling of responsibility, felt a strong desire 
to act correctly, but so dimmed were his physical optics, that he 
could not see the gross blunder he was perpetrating — that even the 
boys would laugh at it, whilst few had sufficient sensibility to sym- 
pathize in the sentiments which occasioned it, or to feel as he felt. 
So it has happened with Governor Polk and his ZeamerZ associates; 
they cut off the wrong leg. The Governor has charged Mr. Web- 
ster with opposing the declaration of war. The assertion he cannot 
sustain ; and, when he fails to do this, he but deserves our admira- 
tion ; for the conduct which produces failure is more honora])le than 
success. Such are the varied powers of this renowned knight of the 
Opposition party. Neither " Womba, the son of Witless," nor that 
"pretty knave" of Lear's, nor any other member of the fraternity of 
jesters, ever established a fairer claim to ''the cap with bells," or 
the "sword of lath;" and if the spirit of self-complacency were, at 
any time, more conspicuously the result of their successful sallies, 
historical justice has not been done them in the records of their 
deeds and sayings. 

But I must be permitted to remark, that in 1838, when Mr. Cal- 
houn,* in the Senate of the United States, seemed to call in question 
the conduct of Mr. Webster in relation to the war, did not Mr. Web- 
ster, with a promptitude and resolution deserving of high commend- 
ation, challenge that gentleman to produce one vote which showed 
a want of patriotism % 

It must be remarked, that Mr. Calhoun served in Congress with 
Mr. Webster in the years 1813 and 1814; and if any one under- 
stood the principles of conduct by which Mr. Webster was govern- 
ed at these epochs, it may well be supposed he was in possession of 
all the facts which would have established the charges which have 
been so industriously circulated against the Secretary of State. But 
this duty has been undertaken by those who were not spectators of 
the acts of Mr. Webster, and who have not that comprehensive ca- 
pacity of Mr. Calhoun, to revive the charge, in the vain hope of in- 
juring Mr. Webster in the affections of the people, and thereby 
impairing the counsels of the Administration. 

Had there been the least foundation for the charge that Mr. Web- 
ster exhibited a want of love of country, "Mr. Calhoun had the n-ill 
and vioticc to establish the fact; if evidence existed^ he was the 

« Mr. Wobstrr in 1838, in reply to Mr. Callioun remarked : " Mr. Presi- 
dent, you wen; yourself in the IIou.se during a conbidcrable part of tiiis time. 
The lionorable gentleman may mako a witness of you. He may make a v it. 
ncFS of any body elfe. He may bo his own witncs.'^. Give us but some fact, 
somo charfje, something capable in itsrlf either of lieing proved or disproved. 
ProvB any thing not nonsistcut with honorable and patriotic conduct, and I 
am ready to answer it." 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 27 

man^ above all others, to produce it, for he was cognizant of the 
fads, and knew how to bring them forward in the most imposing 
manner. But he failed to do so — he dared not attempt the adduc- 
tion of such proof — he knew full well that overwhelming defeat 
would attend his jnovements. Indeed, the friends of the Adminis- 
tration have nothing to dread from the closest investigation of the 
political life of the Secretary of State, when such a bold, artful, am- 
bitious spirit as Mr. Calhoun, toiling with unabated zeal and uncom- 
mon assiduity for the prostration of his rivals, declines the task of 
exposing the errors and misconduct, as it is alleged, that mark the 
career of Mr. Webster at this eventful period in the history of the 
republic. It is therefore useless for any individual now to attempt 
to fix the stigma of reproach upon the high and honorable charac- 
ter of the Secretary at the head of foreign affairs. 

In the foregoing observations, we have made some general remarks 
on Mr. Webster's conduct during the late war, the true character of 
which seems to have been but little understood, and to have exched 
but little attention. We are happy, therefore, in the opportunity 
now afforded us of calling public attention to this subject in another 
aspect ; and although our notice will be chiefly directed to points of 
a subsidiary nature, yet whoever reflects on the intimate connection 
which these matters have with the events of the late war, and that, 
in a right understanding of them are involved the accuracy and con- 
sistency of the system of measures pursued at this eventful crisis, 
Avill not, we venture to hope, regard the length of our disquisition as 
disproportionate to its real value. 

I now come to such of our public transactions, and the documents 
that illustrate their history, and the principles on which the Republi- 
can party acted, as bear the nearest affinity, and the strongest anal- 
ogy, within principle and circumstance, to the conjuncture in which 
Mr. Webster was called to exercise his judgment, in the practical 
application of these principles to the actual state and condition of 
existing circumstances ; where he was, as a member of Congress, 
and there, upon his sole responsibility, without other counsel than 
his devotion to the glory and prosperity of his country, to fulfil the 
duties of this high and most delicate of trusts, by upholding the just 
power and political rights of the people, appertaining to our Repub- 
lican institutions — rights which he could neither abandon, relax, or 
compromise, without an abandonment of the interests of his consti- 
tuents, and derogating from his dignity as a member of our national 
legislature. 

It must be remembered, that in the history of this republic, 
three great and important questions divided the country into parties, 
out of which grew violent political contests, viz : the embargo, the 
Bank of the United States, and the war. These questions were 
considered as test questions with the Republican parti/. The em- 
bargo was viewed by Mr. Jefferson, as a measure well calculated 
to operate on the commercial interests of Great Britain, and thus 



28 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

constrain her to abandon her maritime system of warfare. During 
Mr. Madison's administration the same system of measures was at- 
tempted to be carried out, to press down and embarrass the com- 
mercial operations of our rival. It was, in other words, a war 
measvre of the strongest character, and advocated as such by the 
friends of the Administration. 

On the 24th of May, 1813, the Congress of the United States as- 
sembled. The Committee on Forei-^n Relations consisted of Messrs. 
Calhoun, CTrundy, Desha, Jackson, of Va., IngersoU, Fisk, of N. Y., 
and Webster. 

This committee, it will be perceived, was composed of men of 
great talent and extensive information. In July, 1813, the Com- 
mittee on Foreign Relations made a report, recommending an em- 
bargo ou all ships and vessels in the harbors and ports of the United 
States. Among those who voted against the adoption of the report we 
find Messrs. Calhoun, Cheves, Duvall, Hufty, Kent, of Maryland, 
LowTides, Stanford. — Yeas 78, nays 51. It is a fact, well establish- 
ed, that those members who voted in the negative, were the zealous 
friends of Mr. Madison's administration. 

In the Senate, July 27th, 1813, the vote was taken on the same 
proposition, to lay an embargo. Among those of the administration 
party, voting against the bill, which had passed the House of Rep- 
resentatives, to lay an embargo on British shipping found in the 
ports of the United States, were Mr. Anderson, of Tennessee, Bibb, 
of Georgia, Fromentin, of Louisiana, and Giles, of Virginia. — Yeas 
IG, Nays 18. 

Thus it is, at this eminently critical period, we find many of the 
most distinguished of the Republican party entertaining opinions 
directly at war with the Administration. We find them standing on 
ihe floor of Congress, resisting, with their influence and abilities, 
measures which were recommended by the Executive, as the means 
of reducing the maritime power of our ambitious enemy. The em- 
bargo was considered as much of a war measure as any other that 
was acted upon by Congress — as much so as any measure which 
Mr. W^ebster ever resisted. How, then, will the Opposition party 
reconcile their denunciations of Mr. Webster, and their support of 
Calhoun, Cheves, and Giles. Mr. Webster only exercised his in- 
dependent judgment, in opposing any system of policy which he 
believed was inimical to the interests of the people. Messrs. Cal- 
houn, Cheves, and Giles, exercised the same prerogative, of resisting 
and supporting such measures as they conceived conducive of, or 
pernicious to the jiiiblic welfare. Those distinguished individuals, 
no doubt, entertained the most exalted sentimcntsof regard and con- 
fidence in the integrity and patriotism of the illustrious individual at 
the head of the Government, but they could not make a sacrifice of 
the honest convictions of their mind at the shrine of those sensibili- 
ties, nor engage in the support of measures affecting the best in- 
terests of the country, which were rejected by their most deliberate 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 29 

judgments. If this lihnral interpretation of condncl ho considered as 
applicable to the Kepuhlican party, who msisted the adoption of the 
embargo, I will ask, upon what intelligible princij)lc will you ex- 
clude its applicability to the political conduct of Mr. Webster 'I Ilis 
case is precisely analogous. He, in the exercise of his independent 
judgment, differed with the Ke])ublican party in relation to the 
policy of the Administration, and, on some occasions, opposed it; yet 
his opposition is stigmatized by the partisans of the present day, as 
unpatriotic. 

I flatter myself that I have shown that on the embargo question, 
there was a great diversity of opinion, and that, if it be viewed 
as one of the test questions of party adhesion, many of the pro- 
minent adherents of the then Administration iccre guilty of deser- 
tion from the true standard of the party. If then the imputation of 
a want of love of country, attaches to all those who resisted the 
measures of Mr. Madison's administration, it embraces a large num- 
ber of the most active friends of the Republican party of that day. 

The history of the country develops one important fact; that 
many politicians, for the gratification of their revenge and inordi- 
nate lust of power, during the political canvass in 1823, '24, made 
a series of insinuations against the late William H. Crawford, on 
account of the support which he gave to the repeal of the embargo, 
while a member of the Senate of the United States. With what 
promptitude were they repudiated by the press in Virginia ! What 
a high indignation did those insinuations produce among his friends, 
that unpatriotic motives should be attributed to this honest difTerence 
of opinion as regards the adoption of a measure, which he believed 
to be seriously afflictive to our commercial success as an independent 
nation ! Who believed these base insinuations ? Was not the 
Richmond Enquirer foremost in his defence? I again repeat, that 
this embargo was, in 1808, emphatically/ a war measure, and recom- 
mended to Congress as restrictive of the rights of Great Britain in 
trading to the ports of the United States. 

■ But the proceedings of Congress furnish other proof than the 
cases already referred to, of the Republican party entertaining a dis- 
cordance of views in relation to the tear measures of the Administra- 
tion. It is furnished by a statesman of great reputation and talents, 
whom I trust the Opposition will not consider as inimical to liberty, 
or to the Constitution of the country. I mean Langdon Cheves, of 
South Carolina ; one of the strongest, warmest, and most zealous 
friends of the Government ; united with it in interest, principle, and 
affection. He stood on the floor of Congress as one of the coadju- 
tors of Mr. Calhoun, in propping up and sustaining the measures of 
the Executive, and no member shed on the propositions discussed in 
that body more light, and disentangled complicated questions more 
satisfactorily than he. But what does he say in relation to the 
declaration of war ? He says, " I have no hesitation in admitting, 
for I shall speak with the utmost candor, that, had I kno^vn of the 



30 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

rvrocation of the orders in council at the moment of the declara- 
tion of war, I woxdd not have voted for it." See his speech on the 
Loan Bill. 

In ilic first place we find Mr. Cheves opposed to the declaration 

of war. 

Again, in the same speech, he remarks : " That I pass from the 
cause to the conduct of the war. This, I think cannot be defended, 
and as I have not been an indiscriminate supporter of the measures 
and policy of the Government, I must not be an indiscriminate 
apoloirist of the conduct of the war. But, although it cannot be en- 
tirely defended, it may admit of some excuse."— Z>c^>a^e o«. the Loan 
Bill, Feb. 17, 1814. " 

Now here is the distinct avowal, by a friend and supporter of the 
Administration, who advised the adoption of war measures, and who 
enjoyed the distinguished confidence of the Republican party, that 
if he had known of certain events that had occurred, he would 
have opposed the declaration of war. He contended that the 
measures of the Government were indefensible— that he had iiot 
been an indiscriminate supporter of the policy of that Adminis- 
tration. Did he, in consequence of this annunciation of his course 
of action, forfeit the confidence of his political friends ? Did they 
impute to his political action v,moorthy or unjust imjmiaiions? 
Most assuredly not. The very first opportunity that occurred after 
this great speech, in which he denounced the conduct of the Govern- 
ment in relation to the war, the Republican party gave him the 
most distinguished token of their continued confidence and regard, 
and elected him as the successor of Mr. Clay (who was deputed as 
minister to Ghent) to preside over the deliberations of Congress. 
It thus appears from this mark of high confidence, in elevating 
Mr. Cheves to the Speaker's chair, that the Republican party did 
not regard his opposition to the war measures, as dictated by im- 
proper°or reprehensible motives. This deduction is clearly infer- 
ential, from the fact that he was the choice of the most influential 
members of the party, and was elected over one who had taken a 
very decided part in all the measures connected with the prosecution 
of the war. Such being the undisputed action of the Republican 
party in 1814, upon what justifiable grounds will the enemies of JNIr. 
Webster attempt to fix upon him the nnputation of a dereliction of 
patriotic duty? Between Mr. Cheves and Mr. Webster, there is a 
most striking coincidence of political sentiment on many questions 
of national policy. His most malignant revilers cannot discern the 
slightest attrition — not one dissonant note — but will find the most 
perfect harmony and accordancy of political views. 

Now, I ask, will the Opposition party charge Langdon Cheves 
with giving an unpatriotic vote ? He admired, as much as any man 
in the nation, the brilliant display of national spirit and valor which 
burst forth so madly in the hour of danger. 

From these developments of the political history of the country, 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 31 

we find Mr. Webster concurring- in political sentiment, and voting 
on important questions of national policy, with such men as Macon, 
of North Carolina, Cheves, of South Carolina, Giles, of Virginia, 
and ShefTey. Mr. Madison's administration could not boast of more 
zealous friends. They were indeed remarkable for the dcvotedness 
of their attachment to his administration, their lively and keen sensi- 
bility to all its wrongs, real or imaginary, and their vigilant, ever 
unwearied zeal in its defence. 

I have neither time nor inclination to enter into a discussion of 
either the propriety or policy of these measures, but I have no hesita- 
tion to express my belief that the members who voted for or against 
them, were equally actuated by the same purity of motive — 
that those who voted on the one side or the other, acted from the sin- 
cerest desire to promote what they respectively considered the best 
interests of their country. Where is the man who would dare to 
say, that the members of Congress who voted for or against the em- 
bargo, and the revenue bill, acted from corrupt motives? Is there 
a man who believes that the members who voted against these mea- 
sures were actuated by a desire to promote the interests of a hostile 
nation? No distinguished citizen has attempted to call in question 
their patriotism. And why? Because he would cast a shade of 
imputation upon the high character of those who performed such a 
splendid part in the history of their country, during the time that we 
were engaged in a conflict with a most powerful and ambitious ene- 
my. Will an intelligent and patriotic people, cherishing a high 
admiration for lofty actions, and the manifestation of exalted virtues, 
tolerate the conduct of a few interested partisans in scattering defa- 
mation and falsehood, v:ho seek to overlhroio an illustrious indivi- 
dual, whose renown is closely identified with that of his country? If 
such efforts should prove successful, they must reflect dishonor and 
degradation on some of the brightest names and purest patriots which 
ever adorned the page of American history. If such a course, so 
reprehensible, meets the approbation of the people, then I must con- 
fess that I am greatly mistaken in the American character. Who is 
it that believes that these great men were inimical to the Govern- 
ment of the United States 1 that they were destitute of true, devoted 
patriotism ? For, what is this passion, but an affectionate preference 
of one's own country ? Yet even this exalted and honorable affec- 
tion of the human mind, the fruitful progenitor of so many virtues 
and virtuous deeds, which in all ages has stimulated individuals to 
heroic deeds and splendid exploits — which has repeatedly elevated 
nations to the loftiest pinnacle of grandeur and prosperity — the Op- 
position would induce us to believe, that in that eventful crisis, this 
lofty feeling sunk its diminished crest under the cover of that ex- 
panded philanthropy, which, in its exuberance, sought the promo- 
tion of Great Britain at the expense of our own country — a nation 
whose tremendous power was seen and felt in the conflagration of 
our towns, in the devastation of our property, and in the capturing 
and imprisonment of our fellow-countrymen, 



32 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

Now, li I the clear ))iiiicipl('S, so obviously duducible from these 
most aiilluiiit.Uivc ads of tlie Republican parly, be applied to Mr. 
Webster's situation and conduct, and docs In; not occupy as lirm and 
as enviable a position, as regards the grounds on which the war was 
conducted, as any inend)er of the llepidijicnn party? 

1 have noticed the complacency with which Mr. Buchanan, ever 
since he has been in the Senate, has witnessed efforts, it he has not 
made elTorts himself, to raise prejudices against individuals on ac- 
count oi' their alleged opposition to the administrations of Mr. JeHtT- 
son and Mr. Mailison. I have noticed, also, the great tenacity with 
which Mr. Buchanan, on all occasions, claims for himself the cha- 
racter of a Diinocrat. 

On these points I propose to make a few remarks,, and call the 
attention of the public to the following observations made by him in 
the summer of 1815 : 

" Time will not allow me to enumerate, all the other aciUl and 
wicked jrrojects of the Democratic adminislraiion. Suffice it to 
say, that after they had deprived us of the means of defence, by de- 
stroying our navy and disbanding our army ; after they had taken 
away from us the power oi recreating theniy by ruining commerce, 
the great source of our national and individual wealth ; after they 
had, by refusing the Bank of the United Stales a continuation of 
their charter, embarrassed the financial concerns of the Govern- 
ment, and withdrawn the only universal paper medium of the coicn- 
iry from circulation; after the people had become unaccustomed 
to, and, of course, unwiUing to bear taxation ; and without money 
in the Treasury, they rashly plunged us into a war with a nation 
more able to do us injury than any other iu the world. What was 
the dreadful necessity for this desperate measure ? Was our coun- 
try invaded ? No. Were our liberties in danger? No. Was it to 
protect our little remaining commerce from the injuries it sustained 
by the orders in council ? No. Commerce was not such a favo- 
rite, and the merchants wished for no war on that account. Be- 
sides, if the existence of the orders in council had been its true 
cause, after their repeal our country would have accepted the olive 
branch offered by England. What, then, was the cause — the one 
for which we professed to draw the swoid and risk our all? Was 
it to determine an abstract question of the law of nations, concerning 
which an opinion different from that of our Administration was held 
by all Europe, to decide whether a man can expatriate himself 
or not ? In the decision of this question our Administration pre- 
tended to feel a deep interest. The greater part of those foreign- 
ers who would be affected by it, had long been their warmest friends. 
They had been one of the great means of elevating the present 
ruling power, and it would have been ungrateful for that party to 
have abandoned them. 

''Superficial observers may suppose tliis to have been (he real 
source of the war, but whoever will carefully and impartially ex- 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 33 

amine the history of our country, will find its true origin to have 
been quite different. 

'' It took its rise from the overweening partiality ^vhich the De- 
mocratic party have uniformly shown for France, and the conse- 
quent hatred which they felt against her great adversary, Eng- 
land. 

" To keep this feeling alive, has been the labor of their leaders 
for the last twenty years, and well have they been repaid for their 
trouble; for it has been one of the principle causes of introducing 
and continuing ttiem in power. Immediately before the war, this 
foreign influence had completely embodied itself with every politi- 
cal feeling of the majority of the people, particularly in the West. 
Its voice was heard so loud at the Seat of Government, that the Pre- 
sident was obliged either to yield to its dictates or retire from office. 
The choice, in this alternative, was easilj'' made by a man who pre- 
ferred his private interest to the public good. We were, therefore, 
hurried into the war utterly unprepared." 

In the Globe of the 3d of August, 1841, 1 find the followinfr ex- 
planation, prepared by Mr. Buchanan, or his instructed agent, in 
relation to his conduct during the war, in reply to the above re- 
marks. Here is a precious admission : 

"Mr. Buchanan, we believe, has never denied that his early as- 
sociations and opinions were with those who tccre. opposed to the 
Administration by which the war was declared and carried on. He 
was a student of law, and barely of age when it broke out. It 
should be observed, too, that the oration in question was delivered 
after the peace, so that its sentiments cannot be construed into an 
opposition of the war." 

Here we may join issue with Mr Buchanan, and contend that 
Mr. Webster's opinions cannot be construed into '' an opposition of 
the warP The war was declared in .Tune, 1812 ; Mr. Webster did 
not take his seat in Congress until the December session, 1813. But 
Mr. Buchanan characterizes the measures of the Administration 
during the war as " xoild and wicked projects^' He charges the De- 
mocratic party with possessing an overweening- "partiality for 
France^ He charges Mr. Madison with preferring "his private 
interest to the public good." 

I would ask the candid and impartial reader to contrast these ex- 
tracts with the speeches made by Mr. Webster during the time that 
he sat in Congress, in 1814. Did he ever utter any thing so at war 
with the policy of the Administration, or so denunciatory of the re- 
putation of the venerable James Madison? Has he ever deliv- 
ered a speech which indicates so decided a hostility to the Govern- 
ment, as this one of Mr. Buchanan? And yet Mr. Buchanan vas 
regarded as a good Democrat, and Mr. Webster an enemy to the 
people. By what rule is this demonstrated ? By what system of 
logic is such a discrimination to be sustained ? If it were unpatri- 
otic in Mr. Webster to oppose the policy of the Administration, 

E 



34 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

upon what grounds is Mr. Buchanan to be exculpated? His hos- 
tility to the war was well known to General Jackson and his party 
when they siMit him to Russia, as our representative at a foreign 
court; l)ui these sterling Republicans never raised his opinions rela- 
tive to the war as an objection to the confirmation of his appoint- 
ment. The same remarks are applicable to Governor Wall, of New 
Jersey. He opposed the war and its prosecution, and yet he has 
been viewed as a prominent member of the Democratic party. It 
''should be borne in mind that Mr. Wall was at this period a Fede- 
lalist — an hoaesl member of the party in opposition to the Adminis- 
tration whose measure the war was" — and he regarded it " as rash 
and U7mise." — [See Democratic Review, No. 27, vol. ix, page 78 — 
Portrait of Garrett D. Wall, of New Jersey.] It must, however, 
be remarked, that he was appointed, by General Jackson, District 
Attorney for the State of New Jersey. 

By garbled quotations, illogical inferences, and perverted con- 
structions, Mr. Webster's opponents may have made some impres- 
sions on the minds of some individuals. But those who have been 
duped by their statements, I will ask, have they shown the proof? 
No. This was totally out of their power. I put the question in 
reference to the irrooj] and challenge the severest test for every deed 
which the minute industry of his persecutors, stimulated by envy 
and ambition, may be able to call up against him. Whatever errors 
or indiscretions it may please them to impute to him, let any word 
or deed be pointed out as approaching, in the least degree, to the 
character of an unpatriotic citizen. What, then, are we to think of 
politicians who, in the very threshhold, assert, knowingly, palpable 
fiilschoods with the view to deceive? Who. with patriotism in 
their mouths, and fiendish malice in their hearts, attempt to blacken 
the reputation of a distinguished character, and to mislead their fel- 
low-citizens in matters so important and of such general notoriety. 
But in Mr. Webster, whose political life has been one of virtuous 
patriotism, they behold, through the distorted medium of crooked 
minds and black hearts — 

" Perverse, all monstrous, all prodigious things, 
Aboi))in;il)ic, unuttcralile, and worse 
Than fables yot have feigii'd, or tear conceived ; 
Gorgons, and Hydras, and chimeras dire." 

I have thus reviewed, at some length, the allegations embodied in 
the remarks which have been made by Mr. Webster's opponents, 
eaUing in (lueslion his patriotism. There is not one of them that 
will not be found to be completely destitute of truth. To the grounds 
of crimination, so deliberately weighed and cautiously selected as 
the basis of the withering sentence which they have passed upon 
him, his defence, without any fears, may be confined and triumph- 
antly rested. It has been thought that demonstration of the nature 
and the circumstances with which he was surrounded, as well as 
the concurrence of opinion of several distinguished statesmen, would 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 3 



r 



subserve purposes of general explanation, and furnish a key for the 
development of his whole conduct ; it has therefore entered into this 
plan of vindication, to refer to the speeches and votes of those states- 
men with whom he acted. Then we say, take the circumstances 
which we have grouped together, and they must carry conviction 
of his unsullied patriotism to every unbiassed mind. They form no 
an intricate web, in which filaments, disjunctively feeble, obtain 
strength by combination, but a chain whose firmness arises 
from the solidity of its links, and not from any artifice of con- 
nection. 

As regards the measures adopted with the view of prosecuting the 
war, they were such on which a division of opinion might well be 
expected to exist; measures on which the most enlightened and 
patriotic men entertained the most opposite opinions ; for it is well 
known that a large portion of the American people, including many 
individuals of the highest character for virtue, knowledge, and love 
of country, were of opinion that the measures were inefficient, and 
not calculated to produce valuable results. 

Politicians, availing themselves of the high excitement which 
prevails, have so confounded truth and falsehood, and so misrepre- 
sented and disguised the principles and motives of sueh public men 
as they deem obnoxious to their views, that it requires more than an 
ordinary degree of attention to form a correct judgment upon public 
affairs, and upon the merits and demerits of individuals. The easy 
accessibility to the press, has enabled these spurious patriots to prac- 
tice with great success upon the public credulity, and thus to effect 
their own selfish designs, when, if stripped of those flimsy disguises, 
instead of the disinterested patriots, exclusively devoted to the public 
welfare, they will be found, concealed beneath the veil, ambitious 
men exclusively intent upon their own elevation, at the expense of 
the interest of the community ; or a disposition manifested to convert 
every act into incense for their idol, 

Mr. Webster cherishes a high respect for the opinions of poste- 
rity. It is from this love of future fame, at least so far as it regards 
honorable feeling and purity of motive, that he is desirous that his 
action in these matters should be properly developed and understood. 
If the names of those who have lately been engaged in conducting 
the weighty concerns of this confederacy, should be transmitted to 
posterity, as they assuredly will be, how important is it to every 
statesman concerned, who feels the " patriot's passion," that poste- 
rity should be furnished with the means of judging correctly ? For 
when these are exhibited, posterity, being always impartial, will 
not fail to render a correct verdict, and to pronounce a right judg- 
ment. Time will soon sweep from this land the present generation, 
with all its fleeting passions, so highly excited at this time by the 
peculiar state of the country; and then, and not until then, will the 
actions of those now engaged in controlling the affairs of this na- 
tion, be seen in their proper light. 



36 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

That differences of opinion, and differences of no inconsiderable 
magnitude, existed between Mr. Madison and Mr. Webster, upon 
some of the important points of policy adopted by the General Go- 
vernment, is beyond all question. Such diflerences of opinion ought 
to be ascribed, as I am sure they will be, to the infirmities of our 
nature, and by no means to improper motives. Such an opposi- 
tion, when springing from a diversity in the structure of our intel- 
lect, when it conduces to different conclusions on the same subjects, 
and is within the bounds which love of country and political honesty 
prescribe it, is one of the most useful guardians of liberty. One 
man approved of some of the measures connected with the prose- 
cution of the war, another thought them unwise and impolitic. 
These measures are now matters of historical controversy. Mr. 
Webster had full opportunities of judging of the motives of Mr. 
Madison. These opportunities had at all times assured him of their 
unsullied purity; nor is there any man who would derive more 
pleasure in bearing honorable testimony to his enlightened patriot- 
ism. But notwithstanding his enlarged confidence in the purity of 
Mr. Madison's motives, and his deferential respect for his opinions, 
he could not make an unhallowed sacrifice of the honest convictions 
of his judgment, which after the deliberate exercise of the faculties 
of his mind, he truly believed to be founded in error, merely because 
he believed, at the same time, those errors to be unintentional ; par- 
ticularly when he knew that the effects of such errors upon the 
community would in no respect depend upon the good or evil mo- 
tives which gave rise to them. 

In concluding this subject, I Avill observe that the poisoned ar- 
rows thrown from such hands as Polk and Linn, fall pointless when 
aimed at such a character as Daniel Webster. His enlightened 
and active mind, the extent of his varied information, the light he 
has poured into every department of political economy and consti- 
tutional IsLW, will be the admiration of the people of these United 
States when the greater part of those who favored, or those who 
have opposed him, will alike be forgotten. 

" Envy will merit, as its shade, pursue, 
But, like a shadow, prove the substance true : 
For envied wit, like Sol eclips'd, makes known 
Til' opposing body's grossnoss, not its own. 
When first that sun too powerful beams displays. 
It draws up vapors which obscure its rays ; 
But e'en those clouds at last adorn its way, 
Reflect new glories, and augment the day." 

In the mass of defamatory matter which the writers in tlie public 
journals have created, respecting Mr. Webster's political character, 
one of the foulest materials was that which asserted to the world that 
he " was a member of the Hartford Convention." Considering the 
importance which has been attached to this filth by Mr. Webster's 
political adversaries, neither its quantity nor foetidness can occasion 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 37 

surprise. Perishable as it was putrescent, the light shed on the po- 
litical history of Mr. Webster, in that celebrated debate on Mr. 
Foote's resolution, in 1830, quickened the natural process of its de- 
composition, and it would have long since disappeared, but for the 
delicate researches and vivifying energies of his indefatigable 
enemies. 

In entering upon this vindication, I must regret the necessity of 
occupying more space than intrinsic difficulties in the questions them- 
selves might possibly have required. But the terms in which the 
charges have been framed ; their often complained vagueness : the 
mystery observed as to the application of facts and circumstances, 
and the defeat of any suggestion of the proofs acted on by those who 
have made the charges, constrain me to traverse a wide field in order 
to elucidate the matter. 

In the threshhold of these elucidatory remarks, I ask, is 
the information of the authors of this slander, upon this head, 
supported by any but their own atfirmation? Is it not contra- 
dicted by the whole course of events ? Does there appear to be 
the least reason to believe that they had a sure foundation to 
build upon, when they made such bold assertions, and of such a 
nature? Mr. Webster's connection with the Hartford Convention, 
which his enemies talk so much about, has never appeared, nor 
are any footsteps of it to be found. It exists only in the luxu- 
riant fancy of his untiring enemies. They represent the matter in 
controversy just as it suits their purposes ; leaving out many things 
necessary to set the whole in a true light ; asserting as impolitic 
that which has never been proved, and which never can be proved ; 
making what intimations and deriving what conclusions they think 
fit. It is hard to conceive for what purpose this is done. The 
reason given, I am sure, is not a good one, since the principal 
facts and reasonings upon which the strength of all that can be 
said must be founded, so far from seeming to be forgotten, are 
recorded in the public journals of the day as destitute of truth. 
There must be some other reason for this method of proceeding, 
and I can conjecture but one. This method may, perhaps, be 
thought proper to catch the unwary readers, and to give a particular 
bias to their minds. I could make use of the art, but I have no 
wish to dq so ; my object is the discovery of truth, and therefore I 
will assert nothing but what is supported by evidence and the force 
of argument. 

It must be apparent to the candid reader that the true reason of 
the violence towards Mr. Webster seems to be compounded of ma- 
lignity and ambition. With a perverted ingenuity, which invari- 
ably misleads, Mr. Webster's enemies have endeavored to discern 
improper motives even in the simple statement of opinions ditiering 
from their own, and in this manner they have surrounded his politi- 
cal character with circumstances entirely foreign to it. They are 
eager to grasp any occurrence, that will operate upon the passiorrs 



38 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

or the prejudices of the pcoph?, and thus injure his reputation. In- 
stead of a dispassionate and philosophical investigation into the 
truth of the accusation, they have treated the matter as facts well 
developed in the history of the country, and easily sustained by im- 
pregnable proofs. Entertaining these feelings, their statements are 
of course all on one side; but, fortunately for the country, fortu- 
nately for the political integrity of Mr. Webster, the most incontest- 
ible proofs are at hand, and producible, showing most conclusively 
that Mr. Webster IkkI no connection, in any manner or form, with 
this Convention, and thus stamping the accusation with the most 
flagrant marks of imposture. To avoid the mortification of be- 
holding a refutation of their ruthless assertions, his enemies have 
repeatedly shrunk back into their own shell ; they have passed by 
the truth, and seen her only in a dream ; they touched the mantle 
of a god, but it gave out no virtue to them. That this accusation 
should have proceeded from men of high character and station is 
quite unaccountable — and that not as a hasty suggestion, but as the 
matured result of years of reflection upon the subject, and upon a 
full review of the evidence which has been spread before the eyes 
of the American people ; how minds of the character and force of 
distinguislied Senators, habituated to the examination of evidence, 
so exercised in the ohservation of historical facts, and so well aware 
of the conditions by which truth is to be discovered, could put forth 
such an unfounded allegation without noticing the extreme impro- 
bability of sustaining it by proof, is a matter of just surprise. The 
facts as regards this allegation were of a nature such as admitted of 
no different construction — such as could not be altered by circum- 
stances. They were of a public nature — such as the men who 
brought the accusation must have had it in their power to prove, if 
it were true, and such, therefore, as must be false, if the men who 
brought the accusation were not able and ready to prove it. 

Mr. Webster's detractors are fully aware that no political subject 
ihat has ever occupied the attention or excited the feelings of the 
great body of the people of the United States, has been the theme 
of more indignant reproach and vituperation than the assembly of 
delegates from several of the Eastern States, which convened at 
Hartford, in the State of Connecticut, in December, 1814, com- 
monly called the '' Hartford Convention." Availing tjiemselves 
of this patriotic indignation, which flows through the country ia 
opposition to this Convention, and regardless of truth and justice, 
they have attempted to kindle the resentment of the people against 
Mr. Webstor, predicating their action upon the general principle 
that the mind once impregnated with prLJudice will not permit it to 
review the evidence by which opinions are supported. The power 
of ])rejudice to arrest the progress of inquiry is indeed to be la- 
mented. Nothing could be more desirable than that every opinion 
should rest upon incontestible evidence — that all circumstances not 
intimately blended with political controversies could be disconnected, 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 39 

and that political partisans could bring their minds to analyze them, 
free from passion and vindictive feelings; but the strength and in- 
dependence of mind requisite for such an effort is rather to be ad- 
mired than expected, at this day of high excitement. There are 
few who enter on the investigation of questions in that elevated state; 
secret antipathies and predilections will be sure to instil their venom 
in the minds of those called on to investigate, and obscure the per- 
ceptions of truth and the suggestions of reason. But Metellus and 
Rutilius must be condemned: Nero and Tiberius must be jus- 
tified. 

In the Senate of the United States, General Hayne had the bold- 
ness to connect Mr. Webster's name with that convention; yet his 
reply, dignified, able, and unobjectionable as it was generally ac- 
knowledged to be, has had no efficacy in shielding him from this op- 
probrious charge. General Hayne, though challenged to produce 
the proof of his assertion, not being able to justify this violence, re- 
mained silent, and never dared to support it by evidence. Was 
there ever a more ample and explicit avowal of a determination to 
confront an accuser? Can any one contend or ask for more? 
Would Mr. Webster have acted thus had he been conscious 
of improper designs? If he knew that the accusation were main- 
tainable, would he not have sought concealment, when it was so 
easily practiced ? Undoubtedly he would. But he had other ob- 
jects in view. He wished the impartial historian, in recording the 
annals of those times, to state that his patriotisnr stood pure and 
unsuspected by his countrymen. He knew full well that, if this 
elevated virtue once received a stain, no service, however brilliant, 
could wipe it otY. Patriotism, like the ermine, will die rather than 
receive a spot ; or, to consider her in the character of a deity, she 
expects a constant unsuspected sacrifice, and shuts her temple forever 
against the votaries who forsake it for a moment. He felt a con- 
sciousness of his political integrity, and a just pride of his charac- 
ter, which placed him far above the apprehension of events. He 
was anxious to meet the accusation. He knew that, in the instance 
selected, he had deported himself in a manner conformable with his 
oath to support the Constitution of the United States, the laws of his 
country, and the stern and inflexible duty of a patriot. He knew, 
also, that he could demonstrate his innocence as to all matters al- 
leged against him. And, acrimonious as are the terms in which 
this accusation has been made, harsh and op]irobrious as arc the 
epithets wherewith it has been thought to assail his name and char- 
acter, it must have been a matter of great felicitation to Mr. Web- 
ster, that General Hayne had put forth this charge into a definite 
form, so susceptible of refutation, and for having thereby afforded 
him an opportunity of denying it in the most unequivocal terms, 
and asserting his innocence in the face of the Senate, of his country, 
and of the world. 

But if such proof were procurable, is it not reasonable to sup- 



40 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

pose that General Hayne would have been sure to have produced it, 
with the view of overthrowing the immense influence which Mr. 
Webster exercised, by his commanding- talentsiand the soundness of 
his constitutional views'? Would not his enemies, who have never 
been marked by any backwardness or want of diligence, have 
hunted up the proof and spread it before the eyes of the people ? 
By producing proof, they had it in their power to have condemned 
him; and if thi:i charge were made good, he would have stood con- 
victed before the Senate of the United States. General Hayne had 
his '^ scavenger^' sitting near him, who was then distinguished as 
an agent in procuring evidence against Mr. Webster. Could he 
not have obtained the evidence, if any existed? He could have ap- 
plied to the members of the Convention, and to Theodore Dwight, 
the Secretary of that body, whose respectability he could not but 
acknowledge, whose veracity he dared not impeach, and the purity 
of whose moral principles he had not the courage even to question. 
They could have satisfied him of the truth or falsehood of the 
charge. But General Hayne knew full well that the charge was 
not susceptible of proof, and, like a high-minded and honorable 
man, he declined the challenge thus thrown down to him by his 
distinguished adversary. He was also fully aware that a member 
of that Convention had published a full account of the proceedings 
of the Convention, and that Mr. Webster's name did not appear on 
the record. If this charge be true, as the enemies of Mr. Webster 
have asserted, why do they not procure the testimony of the secre- 
tary of the Convention ? He is a disinterested witness of what was 
transacted by that Convention; he was present throughout every 
meeting, heard every debate, was acquainted with every member, 
and carefully recorded their attendance. He therefore was, and 
has been, the only person, except the members, who had the oppor- 
tunity to know from personal observation everj' thing that occurred, 
every proposition that was made, and the result of every vote. 
Surely, then, his testimony that Mr. Webster had no agency in 
the formation or the proceedings of that justly denounced Conven- 
tion, must be received as conclusive evidence, unless it can be dis- 
credited. 

Thus far, then, we have a deduction of facts, not of supi)Ositions ; 
we have a thread of consequential arguments, not a rhapsody of ar- 
bitrary interpretation of opinions. The case is fairly stated ; issue 
having been joined, the accused stands acquitted of any participation 
in the proceedings of the Hartford Convention, and his accusers 
must be found guiUy of slander, of calumny, and of the worst sort 
of assassination. 

The proverb truly says that extremes arc near, and the proximity 
is never more striking than between incredulity and creduhly; nor 
would it be easy to linda more remarkable example than the learned 
and philosophical Linn, of the Senate. I have already exliibited a 
partial line of him as a sceptic, whose want of faith has exhausted 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 41 

the common sources of our political history, and who has entrenched 
himself behind so many bulwarks of doubt, that no evidence of any 
fact can reach him. 

I will now make a few remarks respecting his ready credulity, 
whenever he is led to yield his assent by a keen appetite for the 
novelty of things. I cannot, however, acquiesce in his hasty deci- 
sions. In relation to the accusation that Mr. Webster was a mem- 
ber of the Hartford Convention, he does not scruple to correct the 
accounts which members of that body have given of its transactions; 
he professes to be better acquainted with them than the persons who 
were actually present; he persuades himself, also, that the events 
thus pointed out by him are in perfect congruity with the history of 
the times of which he is speaking. I therefore charge him with 
committing an offence of a grave complexion; that is, the hasty 
adoption of a general opinion without sufficient evidence, and an 
inversion of all the rules heretofore adopted, either for the detec- 
tion of error, or the vindication of innocence. I complain, also, on 
another ground, of an unjustifiable want of candor, in not alluding 
to the disavowal made by the members of the Convention as to 
Mr. Webster's connection with that body. The authenticity of the 
record of the proceedings of this Convention has never been ques- 
tioned. No attempts have been made to depreciate the authority, 
or impeach the veracity of Theodore Dwight, the Secretary. This 
address, thus published, with the full approbation of the members, 
does not^ in any one instance^ mention Mr. Webster^ s name, con- 
nected, in any shajjc or form, tvith the Convention. Then why the 
constant reiteration of this loathsome slander ? Why a constant 
reference to a matter, allowing it all the importance and plausibility 
which the tact and name of the learned Senator can impress it with? 
Does the reader vainly think that the Senator's puny efforts will 
give currency to such an accusation, susceptible of refutation by 
hundreds of men of high and distinguished honor and unstained in- 
tegrity? If the reader thinks so, I will tell him he is most egre- 
giously deceived. The people think and act for themselves. Old 
Falstaff was not more resolutely determined against giving than the 
people are against being taught " reason by conipulsion.^^ - 

We cannot suppose that the Senator was ignorant of the positive 
denial of this charge, as made by Mr. Webster in his reply to Gen- 
eral Hayne. No, a child could not have fallen into such a gross 
error, it must have been done with design. And to such as may 
still think the Senator a man of candor or talents, I recommend a 
.perusal of the speech, if it ever should be published, made by him 
'Ikst winter, as an effectual antidote. The little ingenuity he, indeed, 
possesses, consists in compressing a great deal of venom into a small 
compass; and the only candor he exhibits is in spreading so dia- 
phanous a veil over his misrepresentations that they become appa- 
rent to the most obtuse vision. 

When the enemies of Mr. Webster demand proof of his free- 

V 



42 DANIEL VVEBSTERj 

dom from the iinpiilatioti which thoy have cndcavorcfl to attach to 
him, their conduct is only equalled by one of Byron's characters, 
as sketched by his inimitable pen. At the festival, Sir Ezzelin re- 
cognises and exposes the villain, Lara. He challenges his adver- 
sary to single combat, and before tlie appointed time he disgrace- 
fully murders him ; then, at 

" The promised hour, that must proclaim, 
Tiio life or death of Lara's future fame," 

he appears on the battle ground, and exclaims, '' Why comes he not? 
— Produce the babbler." So it is with Mr. Webster's enemies. 
When they are fully aware that there is no testimony to offer, they 
exclaim, Produce the excidpating evidence. 

I am well aware that in the investigation of a question of a political 
character, the strictness and severity of legal evidence ought not to 
be exacted, but certainly there should be some striking lineaments of 
resemblance, some leading traits of analogy required, or else the 
most innocent character may be immolated on the altar of prejudice 
and malignity. But the persecutors of Mr. Webster, unable to bring 
themselves within this relaxed rule, as regards the admissibility as 
well as the validity of evidence, and stricken with the conviction 
that the accusations against Mr. Webster cannot bear the sight of 
inquiry and the test of argument, they resort to suspicion as the 
dernier strong hold. If evidence will not convict, let us only sus- 
pect him to be a member of the Hartford Convention. Destroyed 
he must be at all events, and if we cannot conquer him in fair battle, 
let us take him off by poison or assassination. If argument will 
not prevail, if evidence should fall short — then we must invoke the 
vagaries of the imagination, and conscience will decide against him ; 
for it prefers the company of suspicion, to the society of reason and 
evidence. It is by this e/enciicns, or summary proceeding, that they 
expect to effect his political destruction. I venture to say that this 
high court of suspicion, in which Mr. Webster's persecutors pro- 
pose to try him, is a tribunal unknown to common sense, or common 
justice. Its model can be found only in the bloody tribunals of the 
Inquisition, or in the infernal judicatory of Rhadamanthus, as 
described by the poet — 

Gnossius ha?c Rhadamantlius liabot durisi^ima regna, 
Castigatquc, auditquc dolos ; subigitquo fateri. 

In the course of my strictures upon the conduct of those who have 
assailed Mr. Webster's character, I have been compelled to use 
strong language. It was impossible to view the attempt of the 
Opposition jiarty to delude the public mind under the mask of 
patriotism, without feeling the keenest emotions of contempt; and it 
was still mure impossible to behold men of eminence descend- 
ing from tlieir exalted station, and, with polluted hands, oflering 
up sacrifices tc the infernal furies of faction, without feeling that 
contempt ripening into indignation, and without uttering that hidig- 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 4'i 

nation in the warmest language of passion. A man must read 
" wilh a lust to misapplj/,'^ and set down predetermined to make 
him an unpatriotic citizen, who can deduce from his career any- 
thing unfavorable to his standing as a pure and virtuous patriot. 

I have done with this matter. If my remarks have prown 
into a greater length than designed, it has been owing principally to 
an earnest desire of setting these matters (so often and so grossly 
misrepresented) in a just and clear light. I have advanced no facts 
but such as are of public notoriety, such as I know to be true, and 
such as I do verily believe to be so, upon such grounds as reason- 
able men have always thought sufficient to constitute, in cases of this 
nature, the highest proof I have endeavored to draw no conse- 
quence, nor advance any argument, further than I judged the case 
would evidently bear. 

After the close of the session of 1816, Mr. Webster determined 
to relinquish public life, and devote himself to the arduous duties of 
his profession.* 

The fame of the admirable argument in the Dartmouth case 
spread throughout the Union. Even with his political enemies, it 
enhanced the elevation of his character, and brought liim at once in 
competition with the most eminent jurist who then graced the 
American Bar. 

He began now to be known as a man of great genius and erudi- 
tion. The publication of this argument, in the case already alluded 
to, formed a grand epoch in the history of Mr. Webster^ and from it 
we may date the commencement of his eminence as a lawyer. This 
argument is, therefore, not only an important accession to the 
science of law, an exertion of extraordinary genius, but a ground- 
work of enduring fame. 

* In the year 1S20 — 21, Mr. Webster was elected a member of a couven- 
tion of delegates, assembled in Boston to revise the constitution of Massa- 
chusetts, and contributed greatly, by his candid explanations and manly 
reasoning, to do away prejudices against many of its wise provisions, and to 
procure its adoption. But his advocacy of several propositions submitted to 
this body has been productive of an objection to the orthodox}' of his repub- 
lican principles. This objection was brouglit agaiiist him, and trumpeted 
forth previous to the late Presidential election, and the proof against him 
was, that in the convention he advocated aristocratical doctrines. 

I have read attentively the long and elaborate speech of the Honorable 
B. F. Butler, of New York, professing to be a review of the doctrines sus- 
tained by Mr. Webster in the convention ; in which it was to bo expected, if 
he deemed the doctrines susceptible of a satisfactory answer, that he would 
have met the arguments of Mr. Webster, upon principle; and, without 
sparing any defect of conclusiveness which could be detected in Mr. Webster's 
reasoning, that he would have fully and freely explained what he conceived 
to be a di'.Hcction from the republican standard in Mr. Webster's principles. 
But he thought proper to abandon this simple and correct course, in order to 
introduce certain collateral toj)ics, and advert to certain extraneous circum- 
stances, which, if ever so correctly quoted and candidly commented on, had no 
possible connection with tiie principles which received the sanction of Mr. 
Webster, and the members of the convention. 



44 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

This retirement, however, from the turmoils and convulsions of 
political life was of short duration. A man of his eminence could, 
however, with g^reat difficulty adhere rigidly to his orig-inal resolve. 
He was pressed to become a candidate for a seat in the national le- 
gislature. With very considerable reluctance he yielded to public 
opuiion, and in 1823, he appeared in the Congress of the United 
States, as one of the representatives from the State of Massachusetts, 
to mingle once more in the heat and conflict of political controversy. 

AV^hether his fame, suddenly acquired, and remarkably brilliant, 
would endure, remained yet to be known. He had not, however, 
been long in Congress this session before his friends were satisfied 
that they had not formed too exalted ideas of his powers of mind. 
One of the first propositions which he submitted to the considera- 
tion of Congress, was a resolution "that provision ought to be made 
by law for defraying the expenses of an agent or commissioner to 
Greece, whenever the President shall deem it expedient to make 
such appointment." 

It was impossible to contemplate without emotion the conflict be- 
tween the Greeks and the Turks. This contest was well calculated 
to arouse the strongest feelings on account of the uncivilized atroci- 
ties perpetrated by the infidel oppressor. The Greeks were con- 
tending against fearful odds. They were seriously striving to throw 
off' the yoke of an iron despotism. 

Such a momentous event as the Greek revolution, interesting to 
all the enlightened friends of liberty, had very early engaged the 
ardent mind of Mr. Webster. This illustrious statesman always 
venerated and admired liberty ; and contemplating the change, esti- 
mating its nature and value by the happiness which he conceived, 
from overthrowing an arbitrary government, it would bestow upon 
millions, he wished to see the descendants of the illustrious 
Greeks, to whom we are indebted for their profound philosophy, 
their excellence in poetry, painting, eloquence, and all the arts that 
elevate and adorn life, break their chains on the heads of the oppres- 
sors. He spoke with transport and deep emotion of a great people 
achieving their liberty in the same spirit which characterized so 
conspicuously the efforts of their distinguished ancestry. His 
speech in favor of the resolution was an able and elaborate effort. 
His adversaries fidt, while his friends gloried in the power of the 
effort. He evinced throughout, an extraordinary momentum of ori- 
ginal thought, that was seen in its effect, and acknowledged by his 
opponents. This was the effort in which, with the forecast of a 
statesman, he showed, as plainly as events have since proved it, that 
the principles laid down by the great powers of Europe, from the 
Congress of Paris, in 1814, to that of Layback, in 1821, as the basis 
on which to maintain the peace of the world, mistook the spirit of 
the age, and would speedily be overturned by the unsettled state of 
popular opinion. On this occasion, he showed at once the sound- 
est judgment with respect to the questions involved in the resolution. 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 45 

and his peculiar talents for elevating temporary events to the stand- 
ard of history, by collecting, strengthening, and pointing the cen- 
sures of all ardent lovers of freedom against the spirit and conduct of 
the aggressors of Grecian liberties. With inimitable skill, he pro- 
ceeded to arraign and consider the taste or policy that qualify or 
restrain the genuine indignation of nations, when a bold and undis- 
guised attempt had been made to prostrate justice and outrage hu- 
manity. On this high and commanding ground, he entered into the 
substantial and argumentative points of the question of neutrality. 
His position was sublime and affecting in a high degree. The con- 
trast which- he drew of the spiteful insolence, and iron despotism of 
Turkey, and the stern and inflexible policy of gigantic Russia, and 
the generous magnanimity of England, was done in a masterly man- 
ner. He called to the remembrance of the friends of liberty, the achiev- 
ments of the ancestors of the Greeks ; he painted in the strongest 
colors the sufferings and wrongs which they had endured from 
tyranny ; and he charged them as men, never to submit, till they 
prescribed the jurisdiction or the operation of such detestable prin- 
ciples. Here he appeared, standing on the broad platform of liberty, 
the profound philosopher, the cautious statesman, and the enlighten- 
ed friend of the human race. The love of eloquent literature and 
classical authority, necessarily led him to imprint on this splendid 
efl[brt the hallowed images of the poets and historians of ancient 
Greece, whose pure and magnificent diction is stamped by universal 
admiration. 

In 1825, a change in the administration of the Federal Go- 
vernment took place. The Hon. John duincy Adams, of Massa- 
chusetts, was elected by the Congress of the United States, Presi- 
dent. 

During the long and peaceful administration of Mr. Monroe, the 
public mind had been unusually tranquil. The bitterness of party 
spirit had subsided, and the leaders of the conflicting parties into 
which the nation had been divided, forgetting their past differences, 
were often seen co-operating to advance the general interests. The 
citizens who had in former times been stimulated by an active poli- 
tical zeal, now remembered they were politicians only when they 
were called upon to act as electors, and amalgamated almost into 
one mass the American people, and approved of the policy of the 
Federal Government. 

But a party spirit sprung into existence, immediately after the 
election of Mr. Adams to the Presidency. An opposition manifest- 
ed itself, even previous to any development of his views as to the 
foreign and domestic policy of the Government. The discussions 
on the various subjects recommended by the Executive to the con- 
sideration of Congress, in his first message, elicited opinions hos- 
tile to his administration, and produced collisions of serious mag- 
nitude. Here a new scene opened itself to the mind of Mr. 
Webster. Signs in the political zodiac exhibited indications of a 



46 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

portentous character. He soon discerned that every measure oi 
the Executive would meet with the most decided opposition. 

In contrasting the commencement of Mr. Adams' administration 
wiiii that ol" General Jackson's, it may be remarked, that Mr. Adams 
began his career under family prejudice, and had a mass of obstacles 
to encounter ; his name, like Vespasian's hneage, created hosts of ene- 
mies. General Jackson entered the theatre of political life in all the 
eclat of military glory, and had the prepossessions of the people in 
his favor. The name he bore, like the stamp of Pompey's foot, 
raised him legions of friends. 

The opponents of Mr. Adams's administration, with a skilful unity 
of design, the details and results of their eloquence, were well adapted 
to their purposes of impressing the public mind with an opinion that 
the whole policy of the Administration was unconstitutional in prin- 
ciple, at once feeble and oppressive in operation, and pernicious in 
effect. These charges were not advanced in the impassioned hour 
of contentious and temporary debate, but in a uniform series of deli- 
berate inculcations. Such assertions evidently conveyed the strong- 
est censure. 

As Mr. Webster was a distinguished friend of the Administra- 
tion, he was attacked with great asperity in the newspapers and de- 
bates of the day, and designated by every mark of signihcant reproach, 
as the coadjutor and friend of Henry Clay. The name of this great 
man tempts me to pass aside for a moment, to pay a just tribute to 
his exalted patriotism, talents, and virtues. To have been the friend 
and coadjutor of Henry Clay, during this Administration, would 
make the heart of any man beat with lofty pride; to have been his 
distinguished friend and coadjutor, would be deemed by the whole 
nation no mean title of praise. 

During the four years, the whole of Mr. Adams's admmistration, 
Mr. Webster was in the Congress of the United States. Here, in 
collision with active and powerful minds, in considerations of ques- 
tions of the highest moment, in the agitation of interests that included 
all our political good — he acted a principal part, and sustained his 
reputation with great success. 

In December, 1825, Mr. Webster took his seat in the Congress 
of the United States. The Speaker of the House of Representatives 
assigned him a conspicuous station. Seldom, indeed, has any man 
been placed at the head of a committee, in either house of Con- 
gress, containing so much learning and transcendent talent, and 
composed of such collected strength and constellated brightness. 
The Committee of the Judiciary consisted of the Hon. Daniel 
Webster, Chairman, Hon. Edward Livingston, of Louisiana, Hon. 
William H. 13rayton, of South Carolina, Hon. Clement Dorsey, of 
Maryland, Hon. Charles F. Mercer, ot Virginia, and the Hon. Jas. 
Buchanan, of Pennsylvania. 

The most important question which attracted the attention of this 
learned committee, was the reconmiendation of the President, to 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 47 

adopt some modification of the Judiciary system, so as to extend the 
benefits of it to several of the South- Western and AVestern States. 
The people in this section of the Union, had comphiined for a series 
of years of the numerous inconveniences which had been sustained, 
in consequence of the non-extension of the judicial power of the 
Federal Government over their concerns. To remedy these evils, 
a bill was brought forward in the House of Representatives, early 
in the session, by the Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, (Mr. 
Webster,) to create three additional Judges of the Supreme Court, to 
hold circuits in the Western States. 

Great opposition was made to the passage of this bill. Some 
opposed it on the ground that it would reader the bench of the Su- 
preme Court too numerous, and thus diminish the responsibility, and 
impair the usefulness of the several Judges.. Others objected to the 
introduction of so many Judges at one time from the West. 

The necessity, however, of providing some remedy, was apparent ; 
and no other being proposed of so unexceptionable a character, the 
bill reported by Mr. Webster was sanctioned in the House, by a 
vote of 132 to 59. In the Senate, the bill was lost, owing to some 
disagreement amongst its friends, as regards some collateral consi- 
derations. 

In urging upon Congress the great necessity of adopting this 
measure, and thus relieving the people of the Western country from 
a state of things which they represented as demanding the applica- 
tion of a corrective, Mr. Webster displayed his usual zeal and abili- 
ty. He has had the felicity, however, of witnessing, under another 
Administration, the recognition of the propriety of this measure, by 
the expansion of the judicial system to every section of the country, 
and an augmentation of the number of Judges, upon the plan which 
he submitted to Congress in 1826. During this session the Pana- 
ma mission was discussed. 

The political course of the United States, from the first dawnino- 
of South American independence, had been such as was prescribed 
by the relative duties to all parties interested. Being on terms of 
amity and peace with Spain, through all the transmutations of her 
Government, they considered the struggles of her Colonies for inde- 
pendence as a civil war, to which their national obligations pre- 
scribed them to remain neutral. Their policy, their interests, their 
feelings, all concurred to favor the course of the Colonics ; and the 
principles upon which the right of independence had been main- 
tained by the South American patriots, were demonstrated not only 
as identical with those upon which our independence was asserted 
and accomplished, but as involving the whole theory of Govern- 
ment on the unequivocal American foundation, of the sovereignty of 
the people, and the unalienable rights of freemen. To a course 
reposing upon this basis, the people of this country never could be 
indifferent, and their sympathies were, accordingly, with great 
unanimity and constancy, enlisted in its favor. The sentiments of 



48 DANIKL WEBSTER, 

the Government of the United States, were in perfect harmony with 
those of the people; and, while forbearing-, as their duties of neu- 
trality prescribed, from the exercise of any right which could justly 
be construed as hostile to Spain, they exercised all the moral influ- 
ence which they possessed, to countenance and promote the cause of 
South American independence. Under these circumstances, a re- 
solution of the House of Representatives of the United States, on the 
30th of January, 1822, requested of the President to lay before the 
House the communications from the agents of the United States, 
Avith the Governments south of the United States, which had de- 
clared their independence; and those from the agents of such Go- 
vernments, in Washington, with the Secretary of State, tending to 
show the political condition of their Governments, and the state of 
the war between them and Spain. In transmitting to the House the 
papers called for by this resolution, the President, by his message of 
the 8th March, 1822, declared his own persuasion that the time had 
arrived when, in strict conformity to the law of nations, and in the 
fulfilment of the duties of equal and impartial justice to all parties, 
the acknowledgment of the independence declared by the Spanish 
American Colonies, could no longer be withheld. Both Houses of 
Congress almost unanimously concurred with the President. 

This movement on the part of our Government, was followed up 
by an informal recognition of the South American Republics, by 
several of the European Governments. 

In certain official conversations, had in the spring of 1825, with 
the ministers of these powers, invitations weie given on the part of 
Colombia, Mexico, and Central America, to the United States, to 
send commissioners to Panama. To manifest the sensibility of the 
United States to what concerned the welfare of America, and to the 
friendly feelings of the Spanish American States, the President of 
the United States determined to accept the invitations, and to send 
ministers, should the Senate consent to the measure. This deter- 
mination he maintained in his opening message to Congress, and on 
the 26th of December, he sent to the Senate a confidential commu- 
nication, setting forth the object of the Panama Congress, his rea- 
sons for accepting the invitations to send commissioners, and nomi- 
nating ministers. 

The Senate, having confirmed the nomination of Messrs. Ser- 
geant and Anderson, the President asked of the House of Repre- 
sentatives an appropriation to defray the expenses of the mission 
thus constituted. This measure was resisted, and the invitation, the 
most flattering to national pride that exists in the annals of diplo- 
macy, was denounced. 

In favor of the appropriation, Mr. Webster contended that they 
had a right to our advice. Our example gave them the great les- 
son of independence ; our struggles taught ihem perseverance ; our 
success animated, and our prosperity had encouraged and inspired 
them ; they had copied our political institutions, and the characters 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 49 

of our heroes and statesmen were the objects of their emulation and 
respect. He pointed out, in an efTort of great power and eloquence, 
the advantao^es to be dnrivcd, not only to ourselves, but to the world, 
from the discussion of the principles of international law, the un- 
settled state of which had given rise to controversies and even hos- 
tilities between the maritime powers of Europe and America ; to 
regulate all the conduct of beliigerants towards each other, and as- 
certain the rights of neutrals. He regarded, in short, the Congress 
at Panama as a body in which would be considered various sub- 
jects, embracing, in general terms, the political and commercial re- 
lations of the United States with the American Republics; that it 
was merely a meeting of diplomatic agents, clothed only with 
power to discuss and negotiate concerning those topics, and not to 
commit the Government to any definite purpose ; that the established 
principles of our diplomatic intercourse was to maintain diplomatic 
relations with those with whom we had political and commercial 
relations ; and that the principle applied with peculiar force to the 
case under consideration, and required a representation at Panama 
by an accredited agent. 

With the view of arresting the appropriation, certain restrictions, 
deemed wholly inadmissible, were, by the opponents of the measure, 
endeavored to be attached to it. In other words, the House of Rep- 
resentatives assumed the power of giving directions and instructions 
to the Executive Department, in relation to a mission which they 
constitutionally instituted. 

Mr. Webster contended that the amendment offered by Mr. 
M'Lane, of Delaware, was unconstitutional, as it was taking the 
proper responsibility from the Executive, and exercising by Con- 
gress a power, which from its nature belongs to the Executive, and 
not to Congress. It was prescribing by Congress instructions for a 
minister abroad. 

There is no principle better established than this, that the right of 
instruction and the mode of conducting a negotiation are as essen- 
tially executive powers as the appointment of the minister who is 
to conduct it; and to take one of these powers into the hands of 
Congress was as flagrant a breach of the constitution as the other. 
This new doctrine, thus laid down, that, because Cono-rcss has the 
general power to grant or refuse an appropriation, they have also 
the right to annex conditions to the grant, is unfounded in principle, 
and would be subversive of the constitution, if carried into practice. 
The President plans the mission, and selects the minister to execute 
it ; the nature of his executive functions, the knowledge of our fj- 
leign relations, that he alone possesses, renders this power in his 
hands particularly proper. The Senate, a wise, and nearly a per- 
manent body, by the gradual and partial change of its members, pre- 
serving its knowledge of the nature of our connections with other 
nations, must sanction the appointment by their consent, and may 
modify it by their advice. The Senate stands as a check, and a 
6 



50 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

powerful check, on improper missions, as well as the selection of 
incompetent persons to fill them. In all this the House of Repre- 
sentatives takes no part, and can, from its very construction, take no 
efficient part. Too numerous for secrecy, which is often demanded ; 
too inconstant in its character to possess an accurate knowledge of 
our foreign relations ; too unmanageable, as regards numbers, to 
unite the opinions of a majority on the delicate questions of foreign 
policy, the House of Representatives is wisely excluded from the 
treaty-making power, 

Mr. Webster was indisposed to disturb the admirable harmony 
of the parts, or destroy the appropriate distribution of power that the 
constitution had made. If the views of those who concocted the 
restrictions proposed should be considered the established interpreta- 
tion of the constitution, Mr. Webster contended that the admirable 
system in which the construction of each department is so well ad- 
justed to the performance of the duties which are assigned to it, 
would be totally destroyed by the dangerous doctrines then in- 
sisted upon. He was for confining each department within its ap- 
propriate orbit of influence. In taking this stand, he sustained the 
same principles tliat were advocated by the Republican party in 
1815, as regards the attempt to impose restrictions on the treaty- 
making power. No statesman of the country, no member of either 
House of Congress, has exhibited the great departments of the 
Government in equal grace and majesty of beauty. The stamp of 
genius which these delineations bear, the imposing attitude which 
they assume, will long be cherished in remembrance as the true and 
acknowledged divisions of power between the departments of the 
Government. The impulsion, the soul, the spiritus rector of the 
American Government, depends on a harmonious understanding 
and co-operation of all the departments of power. 

Having anxiously and attentively marked the progress and 
studied the tendency of political power during the whole period of 
his service in Congress, Mr. Webster was firmly and solemnly im- 
pressed with the conviction that the preservation of an equilibrium 
between the co-onlinatc departments of the Federal Government, 
practically asserted and maintained, Avas the only barrier which could 
arrest this Government in its fatal proclivity towards absolute des- 
potism. Free the departments, the executive, legislative, and judi- 
ciary, from all checks, and no safeguard is left against oppression. 
However they may be amalgamated in the crucible of executive 
communications under the two last Administrations, or of specula- 
tive theory, the history of this Government bears testimony that the 
several departments of the Government are, in point of fact, distinct 
and separate, and mutually independent of each other. At all 
times and on all occasions Mr. Webster has been in opposition to 
the doctrine of concentrating midue power in one of the departments. 
Ho has resisted, with all his ability and splendid eloquence, the as- 
sumption of power not warranted by the constitution. 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 51 

Mr. Webster, it is said, is friendly to a regulation of the tariti" of 
duties, with a view to the encouragement of American manufactures ; 
and this is clamorously urged against him as a serious objection to 
his political principles. 

This objection seems to have been treated before the public as if 
Mr. Webster were the founder of a new and odious doctrine, and 
the father of the odious measures to which it had given birth. 
So far is he from being the founder of the doctrine, that it is 
traced to the earliest and purest times of the Republic, avowed and 
acted upon from the foundation of the Government, when the father 
of his country presided over its destinies. Before the adoption of 
the Federal constitution, the power of regulating commerce and 
imposing duties on imports, belonged to the State Governments ; and 
such of the States as deemed it expedient, so regulated the tariff of 
duties as to give encouragement to their manufactures. The con- 
stitution transferred to the Federal Government, by express provi- 
sion, the power of regulatin^^ commerce and of imposing duties. 
An act passed at the first session of the first Congress held under 
the constitution, advocated by James Madison, and signed by George 
Washington on the 20th of July, 1789, contains the first tariff of 
duties on imported goods laid by the General Government : and 
its preamble recites that it was ''necessary for the support of Gov- 
ernment, for the discharge of the debts of the United States, and the 
encouragement and protection of manufactures. This doctrine 
was acted upon by every succeeding Administration, by the elder 
Adams, Jefferson, and Monroe.* The policy of protecting manu- 
factures was recommended by them all ; the tariff was increased 
from time to time with a view to that object ; and yet no champion 
of the constitution, though many bold and able there were, always 
at their posts, ever charged the authors of these measures as inva- 
ders of the constitutional ground. 

In 18 16, to demonstrate the national importance that would result 
from a complete protection to manufactures, Mr. Calhoun endea- 
vored to establish the postulate, that the wealth of a nation could 
not exist without a system of manufactures. The Southern States 
announced their determination to support the system. 

In 1821, the Legislature of South Carolina adopted a report, 
urging upon Congress, in strong and earnest language, the neces- 
sity of extending protection to domestic industry. This report con- 
tended "that the power of enacting all laws relating to commerce, 
was expressly given up to the States, and vested in Congress." 2d. 
"That the tariff was a part of that enlarged and uniform system of 

♦ Our manufactures will require the continued attention of Congress. 
The capital employed in them is considerable, and the knowledge in the ma- 
chinery and fabric of all the most useful manufactures is of great value. 
Their preservation, which depends on due encouragement, is connected with 
the interest of the country. (See President Monroe's Message, December 
Session, 1817. 



52 DANIEL WEBSTER 



repulatinf"" the commerce of the country, which led to the calling of 
the convention which foimed the constitution. 

In 1820, numerous memorials from the State of South Carolina, 
were presented to the House of Representatives, stating their oppo- 
sition to a reduction of duties. 

The tnemorial from Charleston took similar grounds in favor of 
the tariff, and evinced a strong disposition to oppose all measures to 
break down the manufacturing interests of the country. 

Thus it is, we find, upon a fair and impartial canvass of the his- 
tory of the comitry, that the South laid the foundation of the pro- 
tective system ; and if it has been continued, with the view of foster- 
ing this "interest, nourished into existence by the South, they are to 
blame, and not those who opposed the adoption of the system, for the 
mischiefs which they allege it has produced. In 1820, another 
proposition was submitted by Judge Baldwin, to increase the duties 
and to establish a protective tariti! 

In 1824, a similar proposition attracted the attention of Congress. 
Mr. Todd, of Pennsylvania, Chairman of the Committee on Manu- 
factures, reported a bill augmenting the scale of duties, and giving 
additional protection to our domestic manufactures. Those who 
voted for the tariff, in 1824, Ave find stand thus: Messrs, Benton, 
Dicki-rson, Jackson, Johnson, of Kentucky, and Van Buren. 

I shall not enter upon a formal exposition of the theory of Mr. 
Webster, as his principles are laid down with too much force and 
clearness, and illustrated with too much power and ingenuity, to 
require any elucidation at my hands. In 1824, he contended that a 
o-enuine commercial spirit — ^that spirit which is a permanent source 
of wealth and power — is altogether unaccustomed to the dark and 
shallow policy of restrictions. All commerce, he contended, is 
founded on principles of reciprocity ; and that country will certain- 
ly prosper most, and have the foundations of her greatness best 
secured, who is a universal merchant, and deals with the merchant 
on fair and liberal principles. He stood on the floor of Congress, 
as the able advocate of the shipping and the navigating interests. 
He was for pushing the commercial energies of the nation to the 
hi"-hcst conceivable point — to leave them unrestricted — to leave 
them free and unsh/ickled, so as to enable them to expand according 
to the wants and refmemcnts of the ag(\ 

It is asserted by one of the philosophic writers of the eighteenth 
century (Beattie) that the astonishing credulity and profound igno- 
rance that pervaded the world during the long night of intellectual 
darkness which succeeded the subversion of the Roman Empire, 
was not owing more to the universal neglect of learning, than to thci 
want of industry and commerce. In the absence of commerce, all 
intercourse ceases. Independent of being the source of national and 
individual wealth, commerce does more in refining and soltening 
the manners, and directing the intercourse, and fixing the social 
habits, and dignifying the character of man, than any other blessing 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 53 

ever bestowed upon him by his Creator, except the Christian reli- 
gion, in the spreading of which it has been a powerful agent. 

Mr. Webster's speech on this great and momentous question, is 
not only one of the most original and profound investigations of the 
political economy of this important policy which has been made on 
either side of the Atlantic, but it was likewise one of the most touch- 
ing admonitions of the bitter fruits which this innovation upon an 
established system was likely to produce in the fullness of time. 

In 1827, Mr. Webster took his seat in the Senate of the United 
States, as the successor of E. H. Mills. It may be remarked, that 
he took his seat in that distinguished body, apparently regardless of 
the hostility that surrounded him. His principles never were the 
offspring of a timid policy. His views upon all questions were 
freely expressed and fully made known. The path of duty lay 
plainly exposed to his view, and his purpose was to pursue it. 

In 1824, it is admitted that Mr. Webster opposed the adoption of 
a protective tariff'. The tariff' was not a measure of the East ; on 
the contrary, until the policy was irrevocably adopted, she always 
opposed it, up to the year 1824. Virginia had given more votes in 
favor of it than Massachusetts. The State of Massachusetts was 
then blamed, because she would not vote for it, and now she is 
blamed, because, accommodating herself to the situation into which 
she was forced by the legislation of the Federal Government, she 
sustained it. Prior to the adoption of this measure, the people of 
the Eastern States were extensively engaged in the pursuit of com- 
merce. There is, indeed, no people whose career has been so ex- 
traordinary ; and sure we are, that there is none whose history is 
more worthy of being studied by all who wish to acquire an inti- 
mate knowledge of the circumstances which elevate a commercial 
people to a high pitch of prosperity. They were extensively en- 
gaged in the pursuits of a gainful commerce. Such were its tempt- 
ations, that it engaged the whole floating capital of the country, and 
a great part of its enterprise ; and every other occupation was con- 
sidered as secondary and subordinate. This extraordinary success 
was attributable partly to our local situation — partly to the native 
enterprise of our citizens— but primarily to the unparalleled suc- 
cession of events in Europe. The tariff" act of 1824, having broken 
up the policy which had been so propitious to the commercial inte- 
rests of the Eastern States, their capital was diverted from its usual 
channels, and invested in the establishment of manufactures. It 
now became the declared policy of the Government, that the manu- 
facturing interest should be supported by a protective tariff". 

On woollen manufactures, the duty imposed in 1824 was found 
to be inadequate for protection, and the languishing state of that 
manufacture indicated the ruin of those engaged in it, without fur- 
ther legislative encouragement. This encouragement was also ask- 
ed, on the ground that the British Parliament, contemporaneously 
with the passage of the law of 1824, and with the view of defeating 



64 .:< DANIEL WEBSTER, 

it, modified its revenue laws, fur the purpose of placing the British 
woollen nianuliicturer upon a better footing than he was before. As 
the law of 1824 was intended to give our manufacturer a compara- 
tive advantage over the British nianuliicturer, there was an obvious 
propriety, procidiul Ike policy was corrcct/m adopting further mea- 
sures counteracting the British acts passed with the view of defeat- 
ing that object. Upon these grounds, and other considerations, the 
bill was supported. But the Senate refused to pass it. In 1827, 
a deep excitement pervaded the States interested in the manufactur- 
ing system. The Harrisburg Convention assembled on the 30th 
of July, 1827, to take into consideration the condition of the tariff 
interests; an elaborate address was presented to the consideration of 
the people, setting forth the necessity of augmenting the duties on 
certain imported articles, with the view of giving further protection 
to the manufacturing interests and in 1828, a scheme was presented 
to the consideration of Congress for that purpose, and received the 
sanction of both Houses. 

Mr. Webster, after a full review of the situation in which he was 
placed, and the employment of that reflective power of mind with 
which a statesman ought to contemplate the general character of one 
period, and to compare it with the character of another, as superin- 
duced by circumstances, and thus deduce important results, deter- 
mined to modify his views relatively to the tariff, and cherish the 
system of policy which had brought into existence numerous manu- 
facturing establishments, in the Northern and Eastern Stales, and 
supported the tariff propositions in 1827 and 1828. Mr. Webster's 
constituents had, in a very audible tone, announced their opinions in 
favor of the tariff system. '' Whc?i Jehovah is abroad, let the 7ia- 
tions of the earth be still,^' was the language of sublime reverence; 
and I will say, when the people, whose voice was to the repre- 
sentative the voice of God, were about to speak, it was the duty 
of their servants to listen in respectful silence. If Mr. Webster had 
have acted otherwise, and adhered to the opinions as expressed by 
him in 1824, he would have disregarded, most grossly, this expres- 
sion of the public opinion, and involved his constituents in ruin. 

In this country, public opinion is the inspiring and reforming 
plastic seal of a republic ; and whoever attempts to separate the one 
from the other, and sustain a Republican government, attempts to 
constitute a world without a sun. 

In discussing a question so complicated or involved as that of the 
practical operation or ultimate effects of the tariff, upon the various 
interests, and the several subdivisions of the Union, those who sin- 
cerely seek after the truth, naturally endeavor to dissipate all uncer- 
tainty and confusion which arise from the complexity of the subject. 
Accordingly, it seems to have been a leading object of Mr. Webster, 
in his speeches on the tariff to resolve the great question in contro- 
versy into the most plain and elementary propositions. 

It is needless to discuss and elucidate the propositions advanced 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 55 

by Mr. Webster in support of his views. They may be regarded 
as so many political equations, each calculated to furnish a plain and 
palpable standard, by which the operatioir of the tariff, as a system 
of protection, may be precisely estimated, and clearly and distinctly 
perceived by the most ordinary understanding. The eloquent and 
able speech which he made in the Senate, in 1 827, drew forth the most 
gratifying applause from every part of the Senate, and was warmly 
acknowledged to display a perfect acquaintance with the situation of 
the country, as well as a manly and truly patriotic spirit. Having 
before, in an analogous question, displayed the most brilliant talents 
and powerful eloquence, he now gave fullproof of a firmaird strong 
mind, under the guide of a sound understanding and sober discre- 
tion ; and the admiration of these qualities, both splendid and sub- 
stantial, was greatly heightened by the consideration that he was 
defending a system which he had formerly condemned, and was 
developing his views, showing the conformity of his action to the 
views and interests of his constituents. He was bound, therefore, to 
be guided by the principles of prudence and duty, and to conform to 
the current pressure of circumstances, rather than to his own notions 
upon the subject. He was, in short, to navigate the sea of his coun- 
try's prosperity, upon which he boldly launched, not upon the path 
laid down in his chart, but upon a course adapted to the object of the 
voyage, and to the force and direction of the tides. 

Mr. Webster has always held the most enlightened opinions on all 
subjects of mercantile policy. Here his mind seemed cramped by no 
bias, and his profound understanding and habits of observation led him 
right. His writings and speeches abound with great and original re- 
flections upon these matters, and they form a striking contrast to the 
narrow views Avhich are too frequently exhibited inthe investigation 
of subjects intimately associated with the greatness of the country. 

That a statesman may sometimes change his opinions without 
implicating his morality or impairing his wisdom, is, certainly, a 
manifest proposition ; indeed, he cannot do a better thing than to get 
rid of his bad opinions and adopt those that are good ; and the sooner 
done the better. But these conversions must have relation to the 
circumstances in which the individual is placed, his probable mo- 
tives, and the subject on which this change of sentiment is founded. 

On the tariff question he sacrificed his opinions at the shrine of 
his country's welfare. He periled his political reputation, which a 
great statesman considers of high value. He exposed that mound 
which had been erected against the tide of time by laborious and 
almost imperceptible accretion, to the destructive swell which, in 
one unfortunate day, might have swept it into oblivion. This is 
that moral courage of which modern history furnishes but few ex- 
amples, because human nature is not so generous for its develop- 
ment; this is the refinement of that natural ambition which it is the 
duty of a people to cherish, and their happiness to reward. 

The idle imputation of sinister motives, thus, then, appears to be 



*5i6 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

ntterly iiiifouiKlfcl, wlun the whole ground is surveyed upon which 
Mr. Webster acted ; iniless, indeed, the ethics of a certain fashion- 
able moralist should be received, always to impute n bad motive to 
an unexceptionable action, in disrespect to the evangelical rules of 
the old school, to regard the infirmities of our nature with so much 
charity and tenderness as always to presume a good motive from 
even a ([uestionable action. 

This plain interpretation which I have endeavored to lay down 
as regards Mr. Webster's situation in 1827 and 1828, in relation to 
the several propositions to augment the duties on certain imported 
articles, did not occur, it would seem, to Dr. Linn, Avho took an oc- 
casion during the last session to denounce Mr. Webster, on account 
of this modification of his principles. 

Now, Mr. Van Buren is every thing with the Opposition ; he is 
their glory, their decus et tulatnen; but the moment I shall remind 
them of Mr. Van Buren's supporting the tariflT policy, I have no 
doubt they will sink the image of their god, and cast it from them. 

It is a matter of political history that Mr. Van Buren gave his 
support to the tarill" of 1827 and 1828.* That he recognised the 
constitutionality is undeniable. His friends may attempt to disguise 
his. conduct in reference to this measure; they may involve it in 
boisterous expressions ; they may cover it over with flimsy pretexts; 
they may turn periods upon periods in their apologetic addresses, 
and follow it up, in debate, with a cloud of similar periods, endra- 
voring, as it were, to veil his conduct upon this question from our 

• In 1833 Mr. Callioiin .submitted a series of resolutions embodying the 
lekdinfr points of his political creed. The day after these resohitions were 
presented, Mr. Grundy, of Tennessee, a leadinji friend of the Administra- 
tion, otfcrcd, in the form of an amendcnent, a scries of counter resolutions, 
in which lie asserts the constitutionality of the particular operations of tho 
General Government to which South Carolina had taken exception. The 
4th resolution is as follows : " That the tariff laws of 1828 and 1832 are 
exercises of the constiti/tiunal power possessed by the Congress of the United 
Stales, whatever various opinions may exist as to their policy and justice." 
Mr. Grundy here explicitly recognises the constitutionality of the tarifl'. 
It is well known tliut he was the mouthpiece of the Administration, and 
was subsequently one of the cabinet ministers of Mr. Van Buren. Here is 
a clear, distinct, and indisputable admission of the princii)le of protection. 
In reference to tho support which Mr. Van Uurcn gave to the tariff of 
1828, I refer to a letter addressed to General Davis, of Mississippi, by Thos. 
H. Benton, in which he states that, in 1627, Martin Van Buren was opposed 
to tho tarifl' of that year, but in 1^28 supported it. As regards his (Mr. 
Van Buren's) op])osition to the Woollen Bill, as asseited by Senator Benton, 
I refer with confidence to the speech delivered by Mr. Van Buren on the sub- 
ject of the tariff. " True, Mr. Van Buren voted for the tariff in 1H28, notwith- 
standing his speech in 1827." Again : " Although my official acts in relation 
to the protective system might be regarded as rendering the avowal unneces- 
sary, I think it nc\erthcless proper to say that I believe the establishment 
of commercial regulations, ivith a riiw to the encouragement of domestic, 
products, to be within the constitutional power of Congress." (See Mr. Van 
Buren's letter to Joseph W. Bryan and others, of North Carolina, October 
4, 1832.) 



SECRETARY OF STATE. '57 

eyes ; but we perceive it throuq-h the cloud ; we blow it away, and 
still we contend that he has been the friend and supporter of the 
tariff policy, to the same extent tliat has characterized the conduct of 
the Secretary of State. 

" ■'From this brief historical review of the tariff question, it must 
be obvious to all who are at all conversant with political matters, 
that this system of policy, now so much denounced, owes its exist- 
ence to those who are now laboring to prostrate it ; that the Repub- 
lican party have uniformly sustained it, and that its constitutionality, 
as well as expediency, have been fully recognised by successive 
Congresses and Administrations; that it has received the support 
of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Jackson, Van Buren, Johnson, of 
Kentucky, the late Vice President, and Calhoun, of South 
Carolina, as also many of the Southern States. Then why is the 
support which Mr. Webster has extended to it to be raised as an 
objection to him, while in others it is selected as a fit subject of 
eulogy? 

I have thought it to be due to all parties and to the character of 
the country, to present this brief exposition of this agitating ques- 
tion, which has been the subject of general misapprehension, not 
only for the purpose of exhibiting the true character of the tariff 
controversy, but for the purpose of showing the part which several 
distinguished men performed in introducing the American system, 
and the sections of country which have, at several disjointed periods 
of time, favored its continuation. If the tariff was fatally bent upon 
the destruction of the Southern interests, upon the ruin of our com- 
merce, it will be found upon examination that the friends of the 
protective policy were encouraged in their movements by Southern 
statesmen and Southern memorialists. 

During the administration of Mr. Adams, the power of Con- 
gress to appropriate the public funds for internal improvements, es- 
pecially for roads, was frequently debated and called in question. 
The exercise of this power has been called a Federal measure. As 
Mr. Webster has been accused of advocating the exercise of con- 
structive powers, regardless of the limitations contained in the con- 
stitution, I flatter myself that a retrospective view of the opinions 
of Mr. Webster will not be misplaced. This course is pursued 
with the view of showing that the scheme of internal improve- 
ments originated at an early period in the history of the Govern- 
ment, and has received the recognition of the successive Adminis- 
trations of the Federal Government from 1806 up to 1830, in va- 
rious forms and shapes. 

I will observe, that in all the speeches and documents which owe 
their existence to Mr. Webster's prolific and vigorous mind, there 
is apparent throughout a deep and confirmed veneration for the prin- 
ciples and forms of our free institutions, an active faith in man's 
capacity for self-government, and an unconquerable hostility to ar- 
bitrary or oppressive power in whatever form it may exhibit itself 
H 



58 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

Upon the most rigid investigation of his speeches, not a line or a 
word will be found of any infringement upon the acknowledged 
rit^hts of the States as secured to them by the constitution ; nor has he 
ever advocated the exercise of constructive powers, but such as have 
been exercised and sanctioned by the fathers of the Republic. On 
the contrary, as a Senator he constantly repressed extraordinary exer- 
tions of power, steadily resisted the encroachments of the different 
branches of the Government upon the province of each other, and 
tirmly vindicated the sovereignty of the States. He always held 
the Government of our Union to be a Ciovernment of limited power ; 
that Congress could not lawfully exercise any power not granted 
to them by the people in the constitution He views the constitu- 
tion as the fundamental law, instituted by the people for administer- 
ing the alUiirs of a great nation, and he repudiates the theory that 
seeks for the interprelalion of language that will leave it the most 
inconsiderable amount of power. Both his opinions and affections 
bind him to it as a Government supreme in its delegated powers, 
emanating from the people, designed for their welfare, possessing 
their fullest confidence, protecting their sovereignty, and no more to 
be confined in the spirit of jealousy within less than the legitimate 
dimensions of its power, than to be enlarged beyond them in the 
spirit of usurpation. These are his principles, and he has on all 
occasions interpreted this valuable instrument by this rule. 

What do politicians mean by a strict construction '(■ If they con- 
tend only against that enlarged construction which would extend 
words beyond their natural and obvious import, we might question 
the application of the term, but should not controvert the principle. 
If they contend for that narrow construction which, in suppwt of 
some theory not to be found in the constitution, would deny to the 
Government those powers which the words of the grant, as usually 
understood, impart, and which are consistent with the general views 
and object of the instrument; for that narrow construction which 
would cripple the Government and render it unequal to the objects 
for which it was declared to be instituted, and to which the powers 
o-iven, as fairly understood, render it competent — then we cannot 
perceive the propriety of this strict construction. As men whose 
intentions require no concealment generally emj)loy the words which 
most directly and aptly express the ideas they intend to convey, the 
enlio-htened patriots who framed our constitution, and the people 
whcT adopted it, must be understood to have employed words in their 
natural sense, and to have intended what they have said. 

Now let us examine the action of the Government, and see how 
far the doctrine of " constructive powers" has been recognised. 
In doing so, 1 shall purposely abstain frovi all reference to the ad- 
ministrations of Washington and the elder Adams. Theirs were 
days of Federal predominance, and we must of course presume on 
laittudiiiarian construction. And although it has since been dis- 
covered, that ''there were more things in heaven and earth than 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 69* 

were dreamed of in their philosophy," yet I would not tempt the in- 
dignant rage of some politicians, by appealing to an authority, in 
connection with which they have been taught, perhaps, to lisp the 
odious epithet of federalism. I prefer to confine myself to an au- 
thority which cannot be contested — to those golden days of the Re- 
public, when the question is said to have been, not how much power 
was necessary to administer the Government well, but with how 
little it could be administered at all; and if I should show, that 
even in those days appropriations were occasionally made, which, 
if not justified on the ground that they were required by " the com- 
mon defence and the general welfare^'' must be either wholly 
without authority, or must rest for their justification on a rule of 
construction, infinitely more extended and more alarming than any 
that has hitherto been suggested. If I can show this, I trust I shall 
place Mr. Webster's constitutional doctrines upon this head, on as 
firm a basis as that of any other good Republican, and in perfect 
conformity with those which the fathers of the Republic supported. 
The laws of antecedent Republican Congresses, approved of by 
successive executive magistrates, and the acts of executive magis- 
trates themselves, will be referred to, as an evidence of the legisla- 
tion on the subject. 

In the first place, it will be remarked, that by the act of March 
31, 1803, Congress concluded a compact with the State of Ohio, by 
which three per cent, of all the moneys derived from the sale of 
public lands within the State of Ohio, were reserved for the con- 
struction of roads within that State. The consideration was, that 
the lands of the United States in that State should be taxed. 
Whether by inadvertence or intention^ this act clearly acknowledg- 
ed the power of the General Government to make internal improve- 
ments ; for the appropriation was made by the United States, and 
the funds were derived from the property of the United States. 

But by the act of the 29th March, 1806, confirmed, amended, and 
enlarged by subsequent acts, a road was directed to be laid out and 
constructed from Cumberland in the State of Maryland, to the State 
of Ohio, upon obtaining the consent of the States through which it 
should pass. The fund provided for this undertaking was to come 
out of the proceeds of the sales of certain lands, the property of the 
United States, in the State of Ohio ; so that this act furnishes the 
double admission, that " roads may be laid out by Congress through 
the several States with their consent," and that the expenses of con- 
structing such roads may continually be defrayed out of the funds 
of the United States. The act was approved by the President in 
office, Mr. Jefferson, in 1806, and other acts confirming, amending, 
and enlarging it, were passed by subsequent Legislatures, in the 
years 1810, 1811, and 1815, and approved of by the President in 
office, at those periods : nay, more, the three last acts contained ap- 
propriations for a large amount payable out of moneys in the 
Treasury. 



60 DANIEL WEBSTER, ' 

Rimilar to this net, and, in some of its provisions, analogous in 
principlo, are the acts of April the 21st, 1805, and of the 3d of 
iMarch, 1817, authorising roads to be opened from Nashville and 
Hrynoldsburgh, in the State of Tennessee, to ditierent points in the 
State of Mississippi. 

In 1817, the expenditures on the Cumberland road having ex- 
ceeded the proceeds of the sales of public lands in Ohio, a bill was 
passed making liberal appropriations for its extension and comple- 
tion. The President of the United States objected to the bill, on 
the ground that the constitution did not extend to making roads and 
canals, and improving water-courses through the different States; 
nor could tlie assent of those States confer the power. Afterwards, 
in 1822, the President objected to a bill appropriating money for 
repairing the Cumberland road, and establishing gates and tolls on it. 

In Mr. Monroe's first message to Congress, in 1817, he declared 
his agreement with his predecessors, and doubts of the constitutional 
power of Congress over the question prosecuting a system of internal 
improvements by the expenditure of the revenue of the Federal 
Government. After the passage of the resolution of Coyigress^ in 
1818, affirming the power, he is understood to have withdrawn his 
opposition, and during his administration, appropriations for such 
purposes greatly increased. In 1822, however, he placed his veto 
on the bill for the erection of toll gates, and the collection of tolls on 
the Cumberland road. This he considered as requiring the juris- 
diction and sovereignty of the soil, which the General Govern- 
ment did not possess. 

It is a historical fact, that Mr. McDuffie assumed the doctrine of 
the "common defence and general welfare," as one of the grounds 
of justification for appropriations to internal improvement, and it 
was the only consideration by which Mr. Monroe could be induced 
to sign a bill, providing for the necessary means for repairing the 
Cumberland road. Mr. Calhoun has maintained that position on 
more than one occasion; and I am very much mistaken if Mr. 
Lowndes and Mr. Cheves will not be found to have been among its 
most eloquent and powerful advocates on the floor of Congress. Upon 
what other grounds than the '■'•common defence and general icelfare^'' 
can Mr. Van Buren justify his support of the bill to establish toll 
gates on the Cumberland road, than those assumed by Mr, Calhoun 'I* 

* General Jackson, while in the Senate of the United States, was no less 
decided in his opinions on tlic long disputed (jnestion as to tiie constructivo 
powers of Congress. During liis short ttTin of service the following bills, 
providing for internal iniprovemenLs, came under consideration : 1st, a bill 
authorizing a road from Memphis, in Tennessee, to Little Uock, in Arkansas : 
2d, for making certain roads in Florida : 3d, a bill to procure survo3-s for 
roads and canals: •Ith, a bill to improve liie navigation of the Mississippi, Oiiio, 
and Missouri rivers : 5th, a hill making a road in Missouri : fith, a bill to sub. 
scribe to the stock in the Chesapeake and Delaware t^anal Company : 7th, a 
bill to extend the Cumberland road to (iainesvillo : 8th, a bill subscribing to 
the stock of the Portland and Louisville Canal Company. On the passage 
of these bills, General Jackson's name stands recorded in the affirmative. 



SECRETARY OF STATE. Q\ 

Thus it appears, that if Mr. Webster has erred in the support of 
the doctrine of constructive powers, he has erred with the great Re- 
publican party. That if these doctrines have become tainted with 
federalism, it is a matter which weighs upon the consciences of 
those stern Republicans who introduced such doctrines in the pohti- 
cal church; and surely xMr. Webster ought not to be visited with 
the pains and penalties of violating its canons, when the high priests 
have interpolated new principles into its government, and subverted 
the old order of things. 

These were some "of the important measures which were agitated 
in Congress during Mr. Adams's administration. His administra- 
tion will long be remembered in the annals of America. Men of 
the highest talents and most commanding influence in the Union 
were then assembled, and arrayed with all the partiality of party 
spirit, and all the zeal of conscious responsibility against each other. 
Every important measure of the Admmistration was subjected to the 
most "scrutinizing criterion, and were vindicated with a warmth 
proportionate to the ability of the attack. Mr. Webster took an 
active part in the debates, and on every occasion distinguished 
himself in a manner which will not easily be forgotten. 

On the 4th of March, 1829, General Jackson was inaugurated as 
the President of the United States. 

The Administration Ave are going to describe will appear vastly 
different from that we just closed. Instead of an uninterrupted, 
pleasing harmony of Government, we shall meet with a perpetual 
jarring dissonance; instead of success, disappointment; instead of 
satisfaction, prosperity and union, we will tind discontent and distress; 
and at last dissensions between a State and the Federal Government 
will present themselves to us in all their horrors. 

The politician who recollects any thing of the conduct of the ad- 
ministration of General Jackson, cannot require to be informed, that 
the constitution of this country suffered deeply in their comparisons 
of it with the brighter age of republicanism, and that the limitations 
which it contains were stamped with that flexibility which rendered 
it a resistless instrument in the hands of the Executive, in subduing 
the advocates of our established institutions, upon whose liberal pur- 
poses the genius of locofocoism professed to have cast an approving 
smile. 

It is a matter of history, that General Jackson came into power 
by a strong popular vote. The political character of no man has 
been exhibited to the gaze of the present generation in lights more 
contradictory than that of General Jackson. His admirers, trans- 
ported with his professions, have magnified his talents and virtues 
to excess, and thrown an almost celestial splendor over every part of 
his conduct, while the other party have spread the gloomy shades 
upon the canvass, and obscured many traits which have been justly 
the theme of eloquent encomium. Indeed, he was represented by 
many as a mere pageant without a will of its own, and which had 



62 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

been capable of giving countenance to the worst actions, at the in- 
stigation of the worst men — a sort of Moloch whose habit was to 
compel the greatest sacrifices. 

General Jackson, viewing his authority as unlimited, failed not 
to regard every exertion of power of a co-ordinate department of the 
Government as an encroachment; these lofty ideas of executive au- 
thority, which were accorded to him by his party, and to which his 
views of the constructive character of the constitution gave so 
plausible an appearance, were firmly riveted in him, and however 
moderate his vicAvs may have been in early life, the overwhelming 
and violent character of his temper, united to his constructions of 
executive prerogative, made him conceive his political tenets as 
certain and incontrovertible. Taught by the supple doctrines of his 
party to regard the laws and constitution as mere lines to direct his 
conduct, and not as barriers to resist his power, he viewed every 
attempt to erect new ramparts to resist his aggressions, as a con- 
spiracy, in order to straiten his authority ; and this resistance ap- 
peared to him but one degree removed from actual sedition and re- 
bellion. By his latitudinarian interpretation of the constitution he 
was accustomed to assume every branch of power which Avas found 
necessary to consummate his unconstitutional purposes. Expedi- 
ency, at other times, could wear the appearance of necessity; and 
in proportion as precedents multiplied, his will alone was sufficient 
to supply the place of expediency, of which he constituted himself 
the sole judge, and last appeal. 

Such political doctrines produced a bond of union, by which 
General Jackson's friends obliged themselves to support and defend 
each other against all opposition whatever. Politicians, maintain- 
ing a great diversity of opinion, flocked to the subscription of this 
political covenant. Few in their judgment disapproved of it, and 
still fewer dared openly to condemn it. The consequence of such 
a change in the state of things may be easily anticipated by those 
who entertain proper views of the action of the Government. For 
no sooner do we perceive the teachers in the church, who, in former 
periods, were most conspicuous in denouncing the enlargement of 
executive power, animating their party to a patient continuance in 
bearing the cross — no sooner do we see them clothed with power, 
than the whole of their lives seem to have been devoted in maintain- 
ing it, and aspiring at still higher dominion and rule. 

General Jackson, partly by the vigor of his administration, and 
partly by the concurrence of favorable circumstances, had been able 
to establish a regular system of despotism. The Senate became in 
a great degree the organ of executive will and pleasure; opposi- 
tion was regarded as a species of resistance to the Government ; 
the talents of intrigue and management were cultivated and ap- 
preciated; and though the House of Representatives still retained a 
small remnant of authority, and claimed the privilege of making 
appropriations of money, the members acquired not, upon that ac- 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 63 

count, with the Executive, much more weight or consideration. 
What power was necessary for conducting- the machine of Govern- 
ment, the President was accustomed himself to assume and adminis- 
ter, according to his interpretation of the constitutioyi. During 
these dark days of the Republic, executive power bestrode both 
Houses of Congress ; it legislated in one, and exerted a domineering 
influence over the other. Under the torpid touch of despotism, the 
patriotic spirit of the land shrunk into a narrow compass ; con- 
fined to gaze with admiration on the proceedings of the executive — 
others were consecrated, and the '' pool" of corruption putrified in 
peace. The friends of the executive cherished the form, while they 
repressed the spirit of the constitution ; they persecuted freedom, and 
ornamented its sepulchre ; the constitution, the production of patriots, 
the masterpiece of human policy, complete in all its parts, was 
stripped of all efficacy — no longer an instrument communicating 
authority, and enunciating duty, but the bleeding victim of despotic 
violence — its beauty and vigor ceased to be an object of admira- 
tion. 

The most flital consequences are always to be apprehended from 
breaking down the barriers which have been interposed between 
the executive and the national legislature. It is among the most 
certain maxims of political philosophy, that the independence of the 
legislature is no less essential to freedom, than that of the execu- 
tive itself Any scheme, therefore, which would invest the execu- 
tive with legislative authority, may be regarded with suspicion. 
The constitution^ as they all knew, consisted of three departments, 
each possessing separate powers and privileges, and necessarily 
co-operating, on such occasions as involved in them considerations 
aflecting the general and common interests of the whole country. 
The balance and equipoise of these departments was so nicely adjust- 
ed, that as long as it kept its centre, the constitution must necessa- 
rily prove the source of liberty. P'rom the exertions of influence, 
however, and from a variety of circumstances to be found in the 
eventful history of this Administration, it was apparent that the exe- 
cutive had in some measure departed from the true spirit of the consti- 
tution ; and the people, with too much reason, complained that there 
was not that strict community of interests and language between the 
Congress of the United States and those that ought at all times to 
submit. This was a great practical grievance. Indeed, Ave may 
remark, that from the commencement of General Jackson's admi- 
nistration to its termination, he kept the country without any osten- 
sible Government. 

Curruque hceret resupinus inani^ 
Lora tencns tamen. 

At this important juncture in our affairs, opinions were still in a 
state of chaotic anarchy — intermingling, separating, advancing, 
receding Sometimes the stubborn bigotry of a conservative class 



64 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

of politicians seemed to prevail ; then the impetuous onset of the 
reformers for a moment carried all before it, 7 

Mr. Webster belonged, by nature, to that order of men who 
always take the front rank in political controversies. It is needless 
to relate how dexterously, how resolutely, how gloriously, he direct- 
ed the Opposition in the Senate, durinq- this eventful period, against 
the destructive measures of General Jackson's administration. He 
was luminous, dignitied, and solid ; no intrigue, no combination of 
rivals, could deprive him of the confidence of his party. Few men 
in the Opposition contributed more to rectify prejudice, to undermine 
established errors, or support a just mode of thinking, to excite an 
independent spirit of inquiry, than Mr. Webster. 

When such alarming doctrines were promulgated by the Presi- 
dent of the United States, immediately after his ascension to power, 
Mr. Webster conceived it to be his duty, as a Senator in Congress, 
to arraign the conduct of the Administration at the bar of public 
opinion. He would have been unmindful of that respect which he 
owed to the constitution — to the welfare, peace, and happiness of the 
people — if he had not raised his voice against such extravagant 
stretches of power as characterized the Administration. Educated 
as he had been in the principles of the constitution — having always 
cherished a reverence for the constitutional liberty of the people, and 
believing that the constitutional principles which he advocated, if 
not carried out uniformly into practice, the happiness of the people 
would be in jeopardy — he determined to resist every aggressive step 
taken by this Administration, calculated, in the slightest degree, to 
impair the vigor of these principles. In opposing executive 
encroachments, his arguments were always characterized by deci- 
sion and eloquence. Sometimes they were spontaneous — always 
great, always shining with peculiar, with unequalled splendor; fas- 
cinating the imagination by the beauty of his language, and con- 
vincing the judgment by the force of his reasoning, and rousing the 
passions of the people by the magnificence of declamation, and 
his eloquent denunciations of the wrongs inflicted upon them by 
oppression and tyranny. 

In December, 1829, a new Congress assembled. They were 
now to review the transactions of an Administration composed of 
men of distinguished talents. The new Administration entered upon 
their duties with the particular and distinct declaration, that all those 
who had preceded them had been in the wrong; that every thing 
required correction and amendment; that nothing was in its place: 
that the vigor of our constitution was impaired, and our character 
abroad degraded. 

At a very early period in the history of the session, Mr. Webster 
took an opportunity of announcing to the Senate the course he in- 
tended pursuing towards the Administration. Shortly, however, 
after this announcement, Mr. Foote, of Connecticut, introduced a 
resolution. " hiquiring into the expediency of limiting, for a certain 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 65 

period, the sales of the public lands only as have heretofore been 
offered for sale, and are subject to entry at the minimum price." 

When this resolution Avas taken up on the following day, it was 
opposed on the ground that it was a part of a systematic policy for 
crippling the growth of the West. Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, 
took a prominent part in resisting the adoption of the resolution. 
Instead of confining his remarks to the points involved in the reso- 
lution, the utmost latitude was taken, and the Avhole policy of the 
Eastern States was reviewed, and he imputed to them a decided hos- 
tility to the interests of the Western States. As Mr. Webster's 
course was called in question, he responded, to these assaults made 
by the friends of the Administration, and proved, most demonstrably, 
that the members of Congress from his section of the State, had uni- 
formly supported Western interests. They had, he contended, sup- 
ported liberal plans as regards the sales and disposition of the public 
lands, sanctioned various appropriations for internal improvements, 
and aided in the extension of the Cumberland road. 

But the State of South Carolina, having become hostile to the 
policy of the National Government, sought, through her represent- 
atives in Congress, the establishment of the novel, anomalous, and 
dangerous doctrine of nullification. The doctrine was announced 
on the floor of the Senate by Senator Hayne, distinguished as well 
for his ability as an accomplished debater, as for his lofty and in- 
dependent spirit. 

It may be observed, that a Senater has many important duties to 
perform ; and the activity of his mind is constantly emplo3'ed in the 
promotion of the public interest. He must watch the exercise of 
power in every department of the Government, and ascertain whe- 
ther it is within the prescribed limits of the constitution. He is to 
study deeply and thoroughly the elements which compose the con- 
stitution, elements which are the results of genius and patriotism, 
acting upon the largest views of human experience. 

It may be said, with truth, that Mr. Webster's mind is thoroughly 
imbued vfith the spirit and philosophy of the constitution. To 
support the principles of this valuable instrument, by which we 
have been led to happiness and glory, by which the country has 
been supported through every danger which it has been called upon 
to encounter, and risen superior to every difficulty by which it had 
been assailed ; to mark out the boundaries of its power ; to point 
out the proper sphere in which the sovereign States of the Union 
should move ; and to frown down that spirit which look's to a dis- 
severance of the Union, became the grave and responsible duty of 
the Senator from the State of Massachusetts. The splendor of his 
reputation, the brilliancy of his eloquence, his long experience in 
both Houses of Congress, and the general accuracy of his views, all 
pointed him out as the great expounder of the doctrines of the 
constitution. His powers of mastering a given subject were not 
to be resisted by any degree of dryness or complication in its details; 
I 



Q6 DANIKL WEBSTER, 

and his fancy was lively enough to shed a light upon the darkest, 
and to strew flowers round the most harren track ol inquiry. ITow 
the task was performed, the universal voice of the country can tes- 
tify, lie was fitted for it by the gifts of nature and by the results 
of education. He possesses a profound knowledge of the nature 
of the constitution and the intention of its founders, which he im- 
bibed from the fathers of the Revolution. In no situation have the 
great talents of Mr. Webster appeared with more unclouded lustre 
than on this occasion. It would be difficult to find a speech in 
which so much elaborate argument is joined with so much splendid 
imagery, and so much eloquent literature with such a delicate per- 
ception of the distinguishing excellencies of the English language. 
It exhibits a profound analysis of the powers of the constitution, 
which kept up the ardor of his genius without disturbing the se- 
renity of his mind. It is felt in his reverence for the constitution, 
in the generality of his praise, and the tenderness of his censures. 
Tt is felt in the hard blows which this great champion of indisputa- 
ble faith and orthodoxy was ever dealing about him against the 
enemies of the constitution, and the inimitable acuteness with which 
he exposed dishonest sophistry. It is felt in the profundity of his 
researches, the clearness of his deductions, and the dexterity exhib- 
ited by him in parrying objections to the correctness of his views. 
Those who read this learned argument arc not to be envied who 
limit their admiration to particular points, without being warmed 
by the glow of that honest triumph of correct views, and of that 
strong assurance in the final prevalence of those principles and pa- 
triotic sentiments which pervade every line of this extraordinary 
efibrl. In truth, there is nothing repulsive in any of the arguments 
advanced by Mr. Webster. There is nothing which any man of 
education may not read with ease and advantage ; for, of all the 
statesmen who have discussed the constitution, Mr. Webster is far 
the most eloquent and attractive. The constitution, delineated by 
his masterly pencil, wears an aspect the most pleasing as well as 
.sublime. That noble love of truth and justice by which he is ac- 
tuated difTuses through every line an ardor and animation which 
can hardly fail to warm and interest every reader. He always 
relieved and decorated, even the most unpromising parts of the 
discussion, with the various coloring of his chaste and cultivated 
imagination. Such, indeed, arc the great and engaging qualities of 
xnind which Mr. AVebster displayed, that even where there is rea- 
son tu question the solidity or importance of any of his conclusions, 
it is impossible to dissent from him but with veneration and respect. 
In investigating the powers of the Federal Govcnnnent, Mr. Web- 
ster contended that the Government of the United States was called 
into being by the people ; that the people not only created it, but 
conferred upon it all its powers, and prescribed its limits by a writ- 
ten charter, called the Constitution of the United States. This ap- 
pears from the liistory of the proceedings of the convention which 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 67 

framed the constitution. He contended, also, that, if a State could 
decide the constitutionality of a law enacted by the national legis- 
lature-, such an exercise of power was hostile to the existence of the 
Union. We think that his exposition of the constitution places this 
principle on the true foundation on which it should stand in such a 
Government as ours. Nothing can be more monstrous than that 
one or more States in the confederacy should be the judges to de- 
cide upon the action of the Federal Government. 

It is essential to the vigor of this Republic, that the administra- 
tion of all its parts should be uniform, founded on system, com- 
bined by similar principles, and directed to the obtainment of simi- 
lar objects and views. Unity of power and an evident correspond- 
ence of system and action throughout the whole fabric of our Gov- 
ernment, are the best securities which can be provided against the 
dangers to which we are necessarily exposed by the vast extent of 
the country and by the variety of interests which it embraces. If 
to the natural principles of division and discord, resuhing from the 
remote location of many of the States of the confederacy from each 
other, and from the differences of local prejudices and conflicting 
interests, be added the establishment of distinct authorities, different 
in form and substance from the Federal Government, and exempt 
from its control, the weakness of the confederation must fall upon us, 
if a State can arrest the legislation of Congress. And in every 
arduous crisis, the power of the National Government will be found 
inefficient, in proportion to the efficacy accorded to the principles 
which were asserted on the floor of the Senate by a representative 
from the State of South Carolina. 

Instead of allowing a State to interfere and arrest the execu- 
tion of a law enacted by the Congress of the United States, Mr. 
Webster contended that the Supreme Court of the United States 
was the tribunal provided by the people of the United States for ad- 
justing controversies arising out of the exercise of unconstitutional 
power. 

Our Congressional history presents no parallel in the effect pro- 
duced by what, for the sake of brevity, we will call his constitu- 
tional speeches, to that which Mr. Webster was accustomed to excite 
when he resisted the doctrine of nullification in the Senate. He 
may be said to have foimded a new era in Congressional speaking, 
and to have raised this department to a consequence unknown. 
Subjects which, from whatever cause, had hitherto failed in attract- 
ing that general attention which their importance might justly have 
demanded, were now listened to with the deepest interest; and his 
speech on this occasion, on the points of the powers of the States 
and those powers possessed by the Federal Government, elaborate 
and unadorned as it was, on these imposing topics, raised an admi- 
ration and interest equal to that which attended the most eloquent 
efforts which have, on different occasions, occupied the attention of 
Congress. 



68 DANIEL WEBSTERj 

This vindication of the constitution of the Federal Government, 
taken as a single performance, ranks, perhaps, as his proudest 
tropliy, considering its length ; the severe accuracy of its matter; 
how large a portion of it condenses the principles of our Govern- 
ment into one lucid view ; the authorhies tliat must have been in- 
vestigated in preparing it; the impartial unity of the plan ; its ad- 
mirable arrangement and disciplined periods, it might be boasted of 
as a speech of such compass, so dignified, so powerful, so command- 
ing, as one rarely equalled or seldom delivered in a deliberative 
body. From tliis celebrated speech, which has been justly con- 
sidered the richest offering Avhich genius and patriotism ever gave 
to an admiring country, the statesman may learn the true and only 
foundations upon which our Republican institutions rest. If all 
other of Mr. Webster's arguments had perished, his luminous views 
on this constitutional question, and his deep patriotic sympathy 
which meanders throughout the whole of this transcendent effort, 
would have given to his name an enviable immortality. 

' It is the most eloquent dehneation of our republican form of Gov- 
ernment, of its origin and its action ; the most true, the most instruc- 
tive and the most monitory. It is the most instructive speech that 
ever was delivered on the necessity and value of the union of the 
States, and in the cherished hope entertained by those immortal pa- 
triots, that it might work and control the violence of faction, the 
fatal disease under which popular Governments have ever perished. 

The peroration of this speech is truly magnificent. It is elo- 
quent in a high degree; very argumentative, in parts, at least, pre- 
senting condensed recapitulations of numerous striking arguments, 
as it certainly ought to do, variegated with figures of bold research, 
but justified by the inspiration of the moment ; and assailing his ad- 
versary with strong, commanding, and even indignant bursts of pa- 
triotic eloquence. 

Indeed, the distinguished Senator appeared as if he were giving 
his parting advice and benedictions to his countrymen ; and if he 
had worked up his mind to a mighty efibrt to vindicate those solid 
ma.xims of Government and policy by which alone the union of the 
States can be upheld and propagated. 

In 1832, the President and Directors of the Bank of the United 
States, presented a memorial to Congress, praying for renewal of 
the charter of tliat institution. 

At an early period of the session, a bill was reported in the 
Senate by the committee to whom the memorial was referred, re- 
chartering the Bank. 

An examination of the constitutional question would require us 
to enter further into the matter than we wish or intend to go ; we 
will therefore confine our observations to a brief history of the Re- 
publican party, in relation to the exercise of the power by the Fed- 
eral Legislature over the question of creating a National Bank, and 
conjparmg Mr. Webster's principles with those of the leading poli- 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 69 

ticians, who are recognised as the safest expounders of the acknow- 
ledged doctrines of the constitution. 

It has never been contended that the right to establish a Na- 
tional Bank was derived from an independent, substantive grant of 
power. The right is derived by implication. There are no express 
words in the constitution to that effect ; but the inference from the 
language employed is irresistible. 

It is curious to witness the clamor which is occasionally excited, 
concerning the exercise of constructive powers, when Congress is 
never in session without acting upon them. A recurrence to past 
events will satisfy the most sceptic, that the exercise of constructive 
powers by the Federal Government has been conceded by a large 
proportion of the wisest and best men of our country, and has been 
sustained by the uniform practice of every Administration from the 
first to the last. How else can the appropriations made for the 
purchase of Louisiana and Florida be accounted for ? for the re- 
peated acquisitions of Indian territory — for ameliorating the condi- 
tion of the savages — the law regulating the carrying of the mail — 
the Military Academy — light houses, and trading houses among 
the Indians — laws for the suppression of the slave trade — and above 
all, for the late act of grateful munificence to the venerable La 
Fayette? These are all the creatures of constructive power. So 
are the laws relating to revenue cutters, the navy hospitals, pensions, 
and gratuitous grants of money ; and in the same description may be 
classed the laws concerning vaccination, and for the cultivation of 
the vine. Do Congress enjoy their library, maps, and stationary, 
by virtue of any express power ? None of them can be brought 
within the enumerated powers of the Government. They are all, 
however, conducive, either directly or indirectly, to "the common 
defence" or "the general welware," and thus become "necessary 
and proper." This alone has designated them as fit and proper 
objects to be accomplished. The principal acts of legislation since 
the existence of the Government, have been founded on constructive 
powers. The word '' necessary " is the appellative — the ge7ms which 
will take in the whole species, if there is nothing to narrow its scope. 
There is no such limit. There is not a syllable in the context of the 
clause to restrict the natural import of its phraseology. The power 
is left to the force of the generic term, and is therefore as wide as the 
necessitous condition of the country can make it. 

The Supreme Court of the United States has carried out the rule 
prescribed by the constitution, according to its spirit and intention. 
"The powers granted must be such as are expressly given, or 
given by necessary implication." " The instrument is to have a rea- 
sonable construction, according to the import of its terms." " Where 
a power is given in general terms, it is not to be restrained to parti- 
cular cases, unless that construction grows out of the context express- 
ly, or by necessary implication^ —i Wheaton, 326. Words which 
import a power should not be restricted by a forced construction 



70 DAiVIEL WEBSTER, 

If a bank be a necessary institution, to enable the Government to 
perform its fiscal duties, then it is constitutional to exercise the 
power. These conclusions cannot be denied, without denying- to 
the letter of the constitution its plain import, and to its spirit its 
most obvious and essential attributes: wit liont affirming that those 
who have administered the Government from its foundation to the 
present day, have either misiniderstood the character of their 
powers, or wantonly or habitually violated it. 

It must be admitted that Mr. Webster has looked through the 
constitution with profound attention. He views it as the fundamen- 
tal law, instituted by the people, for administering the afllurs of a 
great nation, and he repudiates the theory that seeks for the inter- 
pretation of language that will leave it the most inconsiderable 
amount of power. Both his opinions and affections bind him to it 
as a Govr-rnmcnt supreme in its delegated powers, emanating from 
the people, designed for their welfare, possessing their fullest confi- 
dence, protecting their sovereignty, and no more to be confined in 
the spirit of jealousy within less than the legitimate dimensions of 
its power, than to be enlarged beyond them in the spirit of usurpa- 
tion. These are his principles, and he has on all occasions inter- 
preted this valuable instrument by this light. 

The constitution has invested Congress with certain enumerated 
powers, and it is the generally received opinion, that the common 
defence and general welfore of the United States is to be obtained by 
the due execution of these powers; otherwise, there would be no 
limit. But the framers of the constitution foresaw, that Congress 
would frequently have to legislate on implication, in relation to 
these powers ; and to remove all doiibts as to the right, they gave 
this grant of power by an express grant of power. Congress is 
authorized to exercise all powers which shall be necessary and pro- 
per for carrying into execution the foregoing powers and others, 
vested by this constitution. From the nature of this power, no 
boundaries could be given. It is left to the broad principles of 
p'cnuine construction. The limited j)Owers were acted upon by the 
first Congress; but to give them greater efficacy, and the more 
completely to put them into execution, they were constrained to re- 
sort to the exercise of incidental powers. 

The writers for the journals opposed to Mr. Webster, have repre- 
sented his advocacy of a National Bank as an evidence of hostility 
to Republican principles. In their sever(; animadversions on his 
political career, they have always omitted to state tiie history of the 
Republican party, in reference to this much agitated measure. 
Now, without going into any examination of the state of things that 
existed in 1701, and the division of parties at that crisis, I will sim- 
ply refer to another period in our political annals, equally as in- 
structive, and proving most demonstrably, that Mr. Webster's opin- 
ions in relation to tlie constitutionality of a National Bank are iu 
uriJEoa with the great Republican party in 1811. 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 71 

Oil all questions of a political char;icter, the course of Mr. Craw- 
ford, while in the Senate, was usually in accordance with that of 
his republican brethren. He spoke frequently and boldly in favor 
of the renewal of the charter of the Bank, and he obtained with his 
the votes of eight republican members. The Senate, it will be re- 
membered, were equally divided on the question, and the venera- 
ble George Clinton, on the 20th February, 1811, gave his casting 
vote against the bill. In deciding against the renewal of the char- 
ter, he observes, '' that the question to be decided does not depend 
simply upon the right of Congress to establish under any modifica-r 
lion a batik, but upon their power to establish a National Bank as 
contemplated by this bill." Here is a clear admission, that his op- 
position originated on account of some objectionable provisions in- 
corporated in the charter, and he argues in favor of a bank under 
some general modifications. 

From the journals of the Senate, I find that Messrs. Bradley, 
Brent, of Virginia, Condit, Pope, Smith, of Now York, Tait, Taylor 
and Turner, of the Senate ; and Messrs. W. Alston, Findlry^ Gar- 
land, Helms, Hufty, McKee, Miller, Newbold, Nicholson, Ran- 
dolph, Summers, Show, Sheffey, Smelt, J. Smith, and Stanford, of 
the House of Representatives, all of whom v\'ere then well known 
as members of the Republican party, also voted for the renewal of 
the charter ; nor in any of their debates against Mr. Webster have 
they ever shown the state of the facts as the journals of both Houses 
of Congress exhibit to our view. 

In various parts of the Union, public sentiment was decidedly in 
favor of the charter. Many Republicans supported it, because they 
deemed such an institution essential to the interests of the country 
and the convenience of the Government, and because they had no 
doubts as to the constitutionality of the measure. Mr. Crawford 
was one of the number, perhaps the most prominent of the class. 
Experience has proved the correctness of the first position ; and the 
people, through their representatives at a subsequent period, re- 
sponded in favor of the other. 

As regards the views of the party in reference to their votes on 
this measure in 1811, Mr. Madison remarks in a letter addressed to 
Mr. IngersoU in 1832, " that on the simple question of coiistitution- 
ality, there teas a decided majority in favor of re-chartering the 
Bank. It was defeated by a junction of those who admitted the power 
but disapproved of the plan, and those who denied the power." 

And if further evidence is re([uired of the views of the Administra- 
tion in 1811, it will be found in the fact, that the Secretary of the 
Treasury, when applied to by a committee of the Senate for his 
opinion, expressly stated that he deemed a renewal of the charter of 
the Bank as essentially necessary to the fiscal order of the Govern- 
ment. 

The overwhelming embarrassments of the national finances un- 
der which we labored towards the close of the war, paved the way 



72 DANIEL WEBSTER^ 

for the adoption of u system of administration as perfect as human 
wisdom, aidtd by recent experience, and a generous spirit of conces- 
sion, and a patriotism as enlightened as it was disinterested, could 
possibly have been devised. 

The suspension of specie payments by many of the most consi- 
derable banks in the United States, and of those most important in 
the money operations of the Treasury, produced great difficulties 
and cmbarnissuients. The circulating medium of the country, 
which consisted of bank notes, was placed on a new and uncertain 
footing ; and these difficulties and embarrassments had intermingled 
t"hemselves to a very considerable degree into the pecuniary opera- 
tions of the citizens in general. To remedy these evils, and to pro- 
vide for the wants of the nation, and an adequate revenue to defray 
the expenses of the Government, Mr. Dallas, then Secretary of the' 
Treasury, in October, 1814, presented a plan of finance, with the 
view of remedying the general want of confidence among indivi- 
duals as well as the banks : as also to improve Ihe credit of the 
Government. He observes that, " the establishment of a aationai 
insiUutio/i, operating upon credit combined with capital, and re- 
gulated by prudence and good faith, is, after all, the only efficient 
remedy for the disordered conditlvn of our circulating medium. 
While accomplishing that object, too, there will be found, under the. . 
auspices of such an institution, a depository for the public treasure, 
•and a constant auxiliary to public creditP Again he observes, 
that he '' would not merit the confidence which it will be my ambi- 
tion to acquire, if I were to suppress the declaration, that in these 
■times the establishment of a National Bankioill not only be useful 
inpromoting the general welfare, but that it is necessary and proper 
for carrying into execution some of the most important powers vest- 
ed in the Goi-ernmcntJ' 

In the House of Representatives, the question of establishing a 
National Bank was rci'erred to the Committee of Ways and Means, 
at the liead of whicli was a di^tinguished republican, Mr. Eppcs, of 
Virginia, and the son-in-law of Mr. JcfTerson. The report of the 
Committee concluded with a resolution " that it is expedient to es- 
tablish a National Bank with branches in the United IStates.'" 
Mr. Clopton, of Virginia, requested information as to that part of the 
constitution which warrants the establishment of a National Bank. 
Mr. Eppes said, his " opinions of the matter had not changed — he 
had reported in obedience to the s(?nlinieuts of the committee, and the 
reasons for it might be found in Mr. Dallas's report." Mr. Calhoun 
said, " i' uHi.s a useless consvinpllun of time to argue the constitu- 
tionality of the measure — that point was well sittledJ' The ques- 
tion on the adoption of the resolution was decided by the following 
vote : yeas 93, nays 54. 

In the House of Representatives we find among the yeas, Cal- 
houn, Cuthhcrt, of Georgia, Forsyth, King, of North Carolina, 
now a Senator from Alabama, and Lowndes, of South Carolina. 



SECRETAllY OF STATE. 73 

In the Senate of the United States, the bill to incorporate the sub- 
scribers to the Bank of the United States, received the following 
vote : for the chartering of the bank, yeas 17, nays 14. The whole 
of the Republican party supporting the bill, viz : 

Yeas — Anderson, of Tennessee, Bibb, of Georgia, Brent, of Vir- 
ginia, Bledsoe, Chase, of Vermont, Condit, Lacock, Morrison, Ro- 
berts, Robinson, Smith, Tail, Taylor, Turner, Walker, Varnum. 

Nays — Messrs. Brown, Daggett, Dana, Fromcntin, Gaillard, 
Gereman, Goldsborough, Gore, Horsey, Hunter, King, of New 
York, Lambert, Morris, and Thompson. Those in italics were 
Federalists. 

This bill, which passed both Houses of Congress, and received 
the support of the Republican party, was vetoed by President Madi- 
son, not on the ground of constitutional objection, but because the 
" proposed bank did not appear to be calculated to answer the pur- 
poses of reviving the public credit, of providing a national medium 
of circulation, and of aiding the Treasury by facilitating the indis- 
pensable anticipations of the revenue, and by afTording to the public 
more durable loans." 

I proceed now to a review of the course of the Republican party 
on the subject of the bank, in 1816 — that bank which Mr. Calhoun 
said in 1834, " owed its existence to him more than to any one else 
in the country, and would never have been chartered but for his 
efTorts." 

In his annual. Message of December 5th, 1815, Mr. JNIadison 
brought to the attention of Congress the subject of an uniform cur- 
rency, and, as connected therewith, a National Bank. 

On the 6th inst. — the second day of the session — it was resolved, 
"that so much ol the President's message as relates to an uniform 
national currency be referred to a select committee." And the 
subject was accordingly referred to the following committee : Mr. 
Calhoun, of S. C, Mr. Macon, of N. C, Mr. Pleasants, of Va., Mr. • 
Hopkinson, of Pa., Mr. Robertson, of La., Mr. Tucker, of Va., and 
Mr. Pickering, of Mass. 

Mr. Calhoun was placed at the head of the committee. Through 
two succeeding sessions of Congress, he had been the never-tiring 
champion of the Bank ; and that circumstance, doubtless, indicated 
the obvious propriety of the thing, induced the Speaker of the House 
to place him at the head of this important committee. 

On the 8th of January, 1816, Mr. Calhoun reported a bill ''to in- 
corporate the subscribers to the Bank of the United States;" which 
bill constituted the charter of the late United States Bank. It must 
be remembered, that this committee was constituted of five Repub- 
licans ; two distinguished Virginia statesmen were placed on the 
committee. 

The vote in the House of Representatives, in 1816, upon the 
adoption of the charter, was of a party complexion, all of the Repub- 
licans voting for the charter and the Federalists against if. The 
K 



74 DANIEL WEBSTERj 

wiscsl and firmest men, the most consistent and strenuous advocates 
of States' rights, seemed overcome by a sense of high and command- 
ing necessity ; and the State of Virginia, though it would nut give 
Us positive assent to the measure, yet gave a negative support, by 
withdrawing its opposition.* Mr. Madison was then President of 
the United States, and gave his approbation to the charter, avowedly 
yielding his private opinion on the constitutional question to the 
general sense of the nation. In thus approving of this charter, we 
discover the most splendid triumph of patriotism over the pride of 
opinion — it was the substitution of a wholesome practice for brilliant 
but deceptive theory — it was the magnanimous concession of genius 
to experience. In performing this patriotic duty, did he thereby 
forfeit the confidence and veneration of the Republican party? 

Before dismissing this subject, we cannot refrain from observing 
the great unanimity with which the principle of a National Bank- 
was "sanctioned in 1814. One hundred and twenty /or, to thirty- 
seven against ! Time after time, the representatives of the people 
have settled the question. It has been twice solemnly adjudicated 
by the Judiciary of the nation. Repeatedly the Executive sanction 
has been given. The approval it has elicited, and the calm, sober 
judgment of the Father of his country, and the well-considered con- 
currence of the soundest and most comprehensive minds in the coun- 
try — while the People, not less frequently nor less unequivocally, 
have stamped upon the measure, the seal of their approbation.! 

Such is the history of the Republican party as connected with the 
establishment of a National Bank. In 1832, Mr. Webster was 
fully aware of the circumstances which had given to the country 
the most valuable currency of which any nation could boast. Prior 
to 1816, the credit of the State banks was prostrate — the amount of 
the National debt enormous — the currency of the country debased, 
and the loss upon exchanges oppressive. He had seen the opera- 
tion by which the nation was relieved from this condition of suf- 
fering and disaster. He understood the instruments by which it 
was effected. Hence his opposition to ihe introduction of another 
machine, which might in its revolutions, throw this harmonious 
system into disorder, and derange the whole monetary affairs of 
the nation, and his ardent and decided effort to effect a renewal of 
the charter. Experience with Mr. Webster has very considerable 
influence. He views her as the first test of human actions. With 
her assistance we draw that final conclusion which satisfies all ; 
which not unfrequently overturns the reasoning of schools, philos- 

♦ When tho question of renewal of the charter of the old Bank of the 
United Slates was pending before Congress in 1811, llie General Assembly 
of Virginia declared its opinion that the institution was unconstitutional. 
But subsequently, in 1816, when Mr. Dallas's scheme for a National Bank 
was under considoration, Virginia remained silent, and thus tacitly recog- 
nising the legislation of tlic Federal Government. 

t In 1832, a bill tu (-hai tor a National Bank jiasHod both Houses of Con- 
gresb— d largo majority of the Jackson party voting for it. 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 75 

ophy, and politics. She proves that the greatest abilities, united to 
the finest education, and aided by the strictest habits of industry and 
attention, are not always equal to the task of combining in one view, 
all those facts and circumstances that have a natural connection 
with any given subject. When she sustains an act, to reason 
against it is vain — when she refuses her assent to a measure, the 
motive which induced it may be pure, but the measure itself cannot 
be a wise one. 

And shall we not applaud the wisdom and foresight, as well as 
the virtue of the man, who discovered the fruit in the seed ; whose 
mind foreboded all the mischievous consequences of such non-re- 
newal, and who did his utmost to prevent the true, original cause 
of our greatest misfortunes. 

The stand which Mr. Webster made in defence of a renewal of 
the charter of the Bank of the United States, must ever remain in 
the breast of the enlightened and virtuous statesman as an imperish- 
able monument of his wisdom and patriotism. What an host of 
evils would our country have escaped, had his counsels been fol- 
lowed. That inundation of local banks which followed the cessation 
of that charter, would not have swept away all the embankments of 
sound credit, and filled the land with a deceptive currency — based 
on no solid foundation, and leading to the most demoralizing specu- 
lations. If the charter of the Bank had been renewed, what a sav- 
ing would have been made in the necessary expenditures of the 
Government. If our fiscal operations had been sustained by such 
an institution, the resort to paper money in the shape of Treasury 
notes would have been unnecessary — and the whole monetary affairs 
of the Government would have been conducted with order, econo- 
my, and energy. 

The principles which Mr. Webster asserted on the question of 
currency and banking, are indelibly inscribed on the tablets of his- 
tory as the enviable judgments of wisdom, were then repudiated by 
the President of the United States. If the sentiments and policy of 
the administration of General Jackson were now proposed to Con- 
gress for its action, when public opinion has undergone such great 
modifications as regards finance and currency, they would be re- 
ceived as the suggestions of a political madman. So vast is the dif- 
ference between the influence of the opinions and principles of the 
present day, and their influence in 1834. So perishable are the 
works of politicians who base their actions on transitory passions 
and artificial interests, and so firm are the creations of a great mind, 
which calls to its aid the strong arms of reason, truth, and justice. 
Mr. Webster in this act alone, gave proof of his comprehensive 
political views, and in resisting party rage, of the purest patriotism. 

If Mr. Webster, in supporting the establishment of a National Bank 
be properly chargeable with abandoning the Republican school, 
he has the high gratification in standing on the same ground, in 
support of this institution, which has been occupied by Washington, 



76 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

Jefievson,* Madison, Ellery, Marshall, Crawford, Gallatin, Dallas, 
and P. P. Barbour, of Virginia.! When he is sustained in his 
political career by the approving voice of such great names, is it not 
high presumption in the little politicians of the day, like some little 
animals on the banks of the river Hypanis, which come to life in 
the morning, fulfilled all the ends of their creation, and died before 
night, to attempt to establish the absurd proposition, that he is the 
advocate of doctrines dangerous to the existence of the Union, and 
the evident tendencies of wliich are, to establish a consolidated Gov- 
ernment. 

But, it is said, that those members who have contributed their 
support to the establishment of a National Bank, are the supporters 
of Federal measures — that they are endeavoring to bring the old 
Federal 'party again into foxcer. 

The old Federal party has been long broken up as a positive and 
distinct element in the politics of the country. The individuals 
who composed it naturally divided among the new parties that ob- 
literated it, as the opinions and inclinations of each guided him. 
The opponents of Mr. Webster seem to think the great Whig party 

♦Mr. Jeffersoa approved of the bill to establish a branch of the Bank at 
New Orleans; anil also of a law to punish tlio counterfeiting of the paper of 
the Bank. If Mr. Jefferson vicwod the Bank as unconslitutionul, is is rca- 
sonable to svippo.sc, that he would have sanctioned these bills ? How did he 
act in regard to another measure, which it is contended involved analogous 
principles. James Thompson Callender, of Virginia, liad been tried lor viola, 
ting tlio alien and sedition laws, and sentenced to pay a tine of five hun- 
dred dollars, :ind to bo imprisoned. One of the first acts of Mr. Jetfcrson's ad- 
ministration was, to order the marshal to discharge him from imprisonment, 
on the ground that the alien and sedition laws wore unconstitutional. 

t During the session of Congress of 1816, the Hon. Philip F. Barbour ex- 
pressed himself decidedly hostile to the institution of a National Bank. It 
was ascertained that Mr. Madison, who had led the opposition to the old 
Bank, had renounced his objections to the ostablislnnont of anotlier. This 
act of Mr. Madison, induced Judge Barbour to withdraw from tlie House of 
Representatives, and he did not vote on the final passage of the bill — a course 
that has been censured by many of his political friends. Mr. Barbour justi- 
fied this withdrawal, on account of the dilliculty of iiis situation. He was 
evidently deserted by a large portion of that furti/ with wiiicli he had uui- 
formly acted on a long contested constitutional ([uestion. His great political 
teacher, and his personal friend, the President, who stood at the head of 
affairs — who had all tho lights before him, and was deeply responsible to the 
people, had assented to this measure on the ground that it was '^res judica- 
ta:' 

If Judge Barbour refused to record his vote against the charter, and he 
deemed it a violation of tho constitution, he was certainly not performing 
his duty t) his constituents, nor defending that constitution which he had 
sworn to support. The latter position is totally irreconcilable with the for- 
mer. Tho only deduction to bo made is, that ho accorded in opinion with 
Mr. Madison, in relation to the expediency and constitutionality of the mea. 
sure — to say the least his conduct was very equivocal. But I will ask, did 
he not in thus abandoning his post of duty, ostensibly recognise tho exercise 
of the power by Congress to establish a bank ? And did he forfeit tho high 
and exalted confidence of hia party in the State of Virginia ? 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 7/ 

has been tlie rallying point, with a change of name, of the old Fed- 
eral party in a body. When they speak thus, they shut their own 
eyes, or are desirous to blind others, to the uncontradicted fact that, 
of all the thorough going and extreme men of the old Federal 
party, or a very large majority, indeed the great mass, such as Bu- 
chanan, Taney, Hubbard, of New Hampshire, Williams, Picker- 
incr, of Massachusetts, and others, united upon General Jackson, and 
yet continue adherents of the Van Buren party. 

The political controversies that arose subsequently to the adoption 
of the constitution, gradually became intermingled with questions of 
foreign policy. The funding system, the proclamation of neutrality, 
the ratification of Jay's treaty. Mr. Madison's commercial resolutions, 
and constitutionality of the alien and sedition laws, were the great 
questions which created the political divisions in the country. But 
these controversies have long ceased to exist, and never can be by 
possibility renewed. The parties which carried them on have disap- 
peared forever from the country. Individuals composing the present 
active generation never took any, or if any, more than a subordinate 
part in them; never felt the impulses that impelled them to action, 
and which stirred up the very recesses of society, by angry debates, 
acrimonious criminations, and illiberal ascription of motives. Since 
these questions were discussed, new principles, new interests, and 
new circumstances have sprung up, requiring the application of 
a series of measures, totally different in their origin and results 
from any that existed, when the party lines of Federalism and Re- 
publicanism were drawn, and divided the country. But if the sup- 
port of a National Bank by Mr. Webster has caused his excom- 
munication from the political church, and deprived him of the bene- 
dictions of the ''reverend pontiffs" who have so long enunciated the 
creed of the faithful, and passed sentence of condemnation on the in- 
fidel, why is it that prominent leaders of the Opposition, who have 
contributed their influence to the sustentation of these measures, now 
denominated federal, and who are so thoroughly indoctrinated in fed- 
eral principles, are still received as worthy members of the Repub- 
lican fold 1 Are not the doctrines of the Opposition as much tinc- 
tured with the principles of the Federal party as those maintained 
by Mr. Webster ? The Opposition would have us believe that their 
principles mingle with no party, but move onward in the straight 
forward course, like the Scicilian river, which carries its waters 
fresh and limpid across the salt and bitter currents of the sea. 

The agreeable task of defending a distinguished public benefac- 
tor against imputations on his political character, which we consi- 
der as unfounded, has led us somewhat farther than we anticipated 
from the general view of the subject. Our principal object was to 
intimate that Mr. Webster has always been found acting vigorously 
with the party who have always resisted all encroachments on the 
constitutional liberties of the people, and maintained systems of 
policy that were calculated to advance the aggregate interests of the 



78 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

community, and perpetuate the blessings of a Republican Govern- 
ment. 

I will now turn very briefly to the extraordinary effort made by 
the State of South Carolina, in 1832, to impose an unconstitutional 
restraint on the action of the Federal Government. That State 
sought by covert advances to disengage itself from the Confederacy, 
and thus overthrow the revenue system of the country. 

I do not propose to trouble the reader with any argument either 
upon the character or the constitutionality of the principles involved 
in the controversy between the State of South Carolina and the 
Federal Government. This would be unnecessary, because the 
united voice of the whole community, with the exception of the 
votaries of nuUilication, has accorded them a fate, which, it is 
hoped, will ever render them harmless and inoffensive. But I have 
brought them to the recollection of the reader for another purpose: 
to prove that the doctrines that a Slate had the right to resist the ex- 
ecution of the revenue laws of the Federal Government, never took 
possession of Mr. Webster's mind. It would be indeed a novel 
principle, for a State to object to the execution of a revenue system 
and endeavor to nullify it, because its interests were not suitably pro- 
tected according to its views. This would be to place the interests 
of a State above those that are national, and to subject the political 
power of the Federal Government to the counteraction of any one 
of the elements of which it is composed. 

In 1832, a general spirit of dissatisfaction continued to animate 
the bosoms'of tlic people of the State of South Carolina. In Novem- 
ber a convention of delegates assembled, for the purpose of taking 
into their hands measures to resist the action of the Federal Govern- 
ment. An ordinance was axloptcd, which bore upon its face doc- 
trines of the most alarming character. It aimed at the vitals of the 
Federal Government. So hostile were these movements deemed 
to be to the permanency of the Union, that the President of the 
United States issued his proclamation, calling on the State of Soutli 
Carolina to avert this spirit of disunion. 

The State of South Carolina claimed the right to nullify a re- 
venue law of the Federal Government, as one of the j)arties to the 
compact. In this she contended there was no incongruity with her 
obligations to the Union. The right to nullify, it was contended, 
was^universally admitted to be a natural or sovereign right, and that 
nullification was a constitutional remedy. They further contend- 
ed, that for the convenient joint exercise of the sovereignty of the 
States, there must of necessity be some common agency or func- 
tionary. This agency, they contended, is the Federal head. It 
represents the confederated States, and exerts their joint will, as ex- 
pressed in tlie compact. The powers of the Government are 
wholly derivative. It possesses no inherent sovereignty. As the 
States conferred, so the States can take away its powers— all inher- 
ent sovereignty is therefore in the States. They contended alsos. 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 79 

thai thf Supreme Court of the United States, is a subordinate, and 
not a co-ordinate department of the Government. These proposi- 
tions were denied. They were considered as the great political 
dissolvents, through the instrumentality of which the Federal Gov- 
ernment would be made to sink into a state of imbecility, and whilst 
in this state of fusion, be moulded into any shape or form which vi- 
sionary politicians might think proper to give it, with the view of 
advancing their own selfish purposes. 

This controversy, it is apparent, had arisen upon a question be- 
tween the power of the Federal Government and the power of a 
State Government. The discussions in the progress of the contro- 
versy, had opened to the contemplations of statesmen the first foun- 
dations of civil society and of Government, before they came to an 
issue — and all the legitimate sources of power, and all the positive 
elements of freedom were scrutinized, debated, analyzed, and eluci- 
dated. 

The State of South Carolina, had rested her action upon the first 
foundation of the law of nature, revolution^ and what she termed 
the incontestible doctrine of human rights. She sought to resist 
the execution of the measures of the National Legislature, and still 
maintain her position as an honored member of this glorious Con- 
federacy. She stood before the couotry, 

»' Single, unpropped, and nodding to her fall." 

Mr. Webster having long viewed with anxiety, the new philosophy 
which had become fashionable in the South, he bestowed the most 
accurate attention on the designs of its votaries, as they unfolded 
themselves. A sagacity as penetrating as his views were com- 
prehensive, discovered to him the nature of these principles. The 
notions of constitutional power that were cherished by the states- 
men of South Carolina, he accounted as speculative and visionary, 
and under no possible state of circumstances reducible to practice. 
The steps which had been taken by the State of South Carolina, 
through the organ qf an extraordinary convention, and the subsidiary 
enactments of her Legislature, declaring null and void some of the 
most important laws of the United States, and solemnly pledging 
herself to renounce her connection with the Union, if any attempt 
should be made to carry them into effect by force — induet-d the 
President of the United States to call on Congress to clothe him 
with more ample power, to enable him to execute the laws, if neces- 
sary, by force. 

This was an awful crisis — full of fearful distrust and agonizing 
anticipations, portending the breaking up of all the constitutional 
principles and the long settled policy of the founders of the Republic. 
The lurid cloud of civil war hung upon the political horizon. 

It was at this stage of the controversy, that the attention of the 
country was directed to, and called into action the moral sensibilities 
and the intellectual faculties of Mr. Webster. It is true the signs 
of the times were unpropitious, sufficient almost to have startled him 



80 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

from his purpose; but he went on, reasoning in the words of the 
poet, 

" Without a sign l>is swonl tlm bravo man draws. 
And asks no omen but his country's cause," 

The construction of civil society; the extent and limitation of orga- 
nized power ; the preservation of a system of government combining 
the greatest enlargement of individual liberty with the most perfect 
system of govcrmcntal authority, wore tlie continual occupation of 
every mind. \ 

Mr. Calhoun, of South Carolina, appeared in the Senate, as the 
supporter of the alarming doctrine that a State could annul, in the 
ordinary exercise of its constitutional power, the acts of the Gene- 
ral Government, and that she could constitutionally secede from the 
Union, and still continue a member of the Confederacy. 

He vindicated these doctrines in a speech of great ingenuity, on 
the bill reported by the chairman of the Judiciary Committee, to 
enable the Federal Government to collect its revenue. In this ef- 
fort we were led to expect something of power and effect. It was 
ushered into public notice, as if it were destined ''labcnti succurre 
sceclo^' to begin a reformation in the interpretation of the provisions 
of the constitution — to recal our sentiments and principles to the 
ancient standard of Republican purity. Tliosc Avho regarded him as 
their oracle in politics, must have expected every thing from such 
a person employed on such a subject; and even the general mass of 
readers must have looked for a performance of great ability, and for 
a systematic investigation of principles suited to the constitution. But 
to those who have been taught to think correctly on government, 
and to estimate justly the merits of Mr. Calhoun's effort, there is a 
more serious objection to his speech than a mere deficiency of phi- 
losophical views, and a failure of displa^-ing luminously and power- 
fully the true principles and merits of our glorious constitution. 
There is an insensibility to the paramount importance of the autho- 
rity of the Federal GJoverniiient iu our Republic:^ system. 

The doctrines upon which this speech was founded, were consi- 
dered as false, shallow, and presumptuous, more absurd than the 
wildest tlieories that were ever engendered by the disordered imagi- 
nation of man; more hostile to the real interests of mankind, to 
national prosperity, to individual happiness, and the constitutional 
liberties of the nation. 

To convince the Senate, and especially the country, that the views 
of Mr. Calhoun did not tend to the conservation, but to the destruction 
of the constitution, not to promote happiness, but to produce misery, 
not to be imitated and copied, but to be repudiated and contemned, the 
public eye was immediately turned towards Mr. Webster, as the 
person best qualified to respond to Mr. Calhoun. On his efforts the 
expectations of the people rested, of overthrowing the dangerous 
doctrines thus promulgated to the Avorld. 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 

" Beneath his banner, proud to stand, 
Look'd up the noblest of the land." 



81 



But the character of his mind as it shines forth in his speeches, is a 
subject of the most lively interest. 

The first great property which they disclose is his veneration for 
the fundamental law of the constitution. There is not a line from 
his pen that trifles with this sacred deposite in his hands, by claim- 
ing to fashion it according to his opinions of what it ought to be. 
In interpretmg the constitution, his first inquiry in every case was 
to consult the oracles of the instrument for their response ; and 
when he obtained it, notwithstanding he may dissent, or not readily 
acquiesce in the adjudication of the principle, he acted upon the sen- 
timent of Lord Bacon, that it is the foulest injustice to remove the 
landmarks, and thus set every thing afloat upon the sea of uncer- 
tainty. 

Mr. Webster views the constitution as a practical work, which 
depends mainly for its value upon retaining its shape and the same 
dimensions from day to day. A speculative, imaginative expounder 
of the constitution is a paradox. No one can reasonably ask what has 
he invented or devised. His duty and his province are in the faith- 
ful observance of a system created to his hands ; a system of prin- 
ciples, the great development of which affords scope for genius, 
without destroying what is established. 

He had thoroughly examined the principles of his opponents. 
He had seen doAvn to the basis, and therefore was confident of the 
firmness of what he stood upon; unlike a man who is treading on a 
surface which he perceives or suspects to be hollow, and is igno- 
rant and fearful of what there may be underneath. 

The State of South Carolina claimed to be a sovereign State, and 
as such she recognised no tribunal as above her authority. She 
claimed also the right to determine the extent of her obligations 
under the compact. 

In discussing these principles, Mr. Webster pointed out in a mas- 
terly manner, the peculiarly delicate and arduous task performed 
by the framers of the constitution in drawing the proper line of 
partition between the authority of the General, and that of the State 
Governments ; how they attempted and adjusted these distinct sove- 
reignties, so as not only to maintain unimpaired the integrity of both, 
and to obviate the danger of a collision, but to render them perma- 
nently and effectually ministerial to the salutary purposes contem- 
plated by the Union. He pointed out also, how this adjustment of 
power provided additional securities for the permanence and strength 
of the Republic, in the very opposition of principles and views insepa- 
rable from their nature. He pointed out, further, how it established 
between them, through the struggles of conflicting forces, a harmo- 
ny like that of the planetary system, of which our Federal associa- 
tion should be as it were the moral image. 

It was urged in argument by the advocates of nullification, that 
h 



82 DANIEL WEBSTER^ 

the jiulin'nry is a subordinnto and not a co-ordinatr branch of tho 
(Tovornint'iii; that the judges have no right to declare a law to be 
unconstitinioual : that no such power is given to that branch in the 
constitution. It is no where declared that Congress have a right to 
exercise their judgment or to consider the expediency of a measure ; 
the judiciary from the nature of their institution, are to judge of the 
law and what is the law. The constitution is paramount and su- 
preme; the judge is bound by his oath to support it: the legislature 
have a right to exercise their judgment as to the constitutionality of 
a law on its passage; but the judiciary decide at last, and this deci- 
sion is final. This doctrine is admitted in the debates in the Conven- 
tion of Virginia. 

Now allow this principle the fullest latitude which its friends 
claim for it, and it works an entire change in the character of the 
Government. This is a natural and necessary consequence of the 
application to the constitution of such a doctrine. 

Against the application of such a doctrine, Mr. Webster con- 
tended that the U'gislative power of the States was not absolute, 
but limited. If it be doubtful whether the Congress of the United 
States can do what the constitution does not explicitly authorize, yet 
there can be no question that they cannot do what the constitution 
expressly prohibits. To maintain therefore the constitution, the 
judges are a check upon the legislature. Of what importance is 
it to say, Congress are prohibited from doing certain acts, if no legi- 
timate authority exists in the country to determine whether an act 
done is a prohibited act? What arc the consequences which would 
follow from the establishment of the principle that the States have 
the exclusive right to decide upon the constitutionality of a law? 
This principle admitted, does any constitution remain? Does 
not the power of auy one of the States become absolute and omni- 
potent? Can Congress talk of transgressing their powers, when 
no one has a right to judge of these powers but one of the States 
of this Union? Is not the Federal Government disrobed of all effi- 
cient, operative political power, and reduced to imbecility in the ex- 
treme ? It would exercise a controlling power in twenty-five States, 
and in the other it would be powerless. The framers of the consti- 
tution did not produce such a rickety system of Government. Does 
such a power reside in the States? Has the legislature of a State a 
right to declare an act of Congress void? This exertion of power 
would be ])Uicing the Cicneral Government at the foot of the State 
Governments. It would be allowing one member to control all the 
rest. It would inevitably lead to civil dissension and a dissolution 
of the General Government. Mr. Webster resisted with great ability 
these absurd doctrines. He viewed the national constitution as a 
glorious monument of the good people of this country; constructed 
with so much preparation, that it cannot l)y any act separate its gene- 
ral infiuence from any part of the community. Its power is entire 
and complete over the whole nation—not partial, because it cannot 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 83 

indulge in it — just, because it cannot be otherwise than equal — che- 
rishing all, because it can have no lavorites. 

Mr. Webster, in a spirit of expanded patriotism, contended for the 
controUing- authority of this exalted tribunal in the adjudication of 
controversies involving the constitutionality of the laws of the Fede- 
ral Government — a tribunal exalted by the trust and confidence re- 
posed in it by the constitution, whose protectors it is. While this 
constitution continues as the supreme law of the land, and the rights 
we enjoy under it, it must be considered as the valued inheritance 
of every citizen of the United States. There is a class of poli- 
ticians, who may be viewed as enemies to this institution, and are 
laboring with indefatigable zeal to strip the court of all authority, 
to bring it into disrepute, and paralyze its strength and blur its ele- 
vated character. " Troy cannot fall while. Hector llvcsP So long- 
as this court retains its full power, with which it has been endowed 
by the constitution, so long will it be viewed as the rock of our sal- 
vation, against which the waves of opposition may heave without 
leaving the slightest impression of their invasion. 

The interpretation and practical application of this constitution, 
are necessarily of importance corresponding to that of the instru- 
ment itself, since, as we have already remarked, the constitution, at 
the most, embraces only the general outlines and all the principles 
of our system of Government. Without a comprehensive view of 
these principles in the administration of the Government, and con- 
sistent and harmonious deductions from them, and a scrupulous ad- 
herence to their true spirit, disorder and confusion must be the conse- 
quence, and so the Government must undergo a change, or be made 
to dwindle away to its dissolution. As the interpretation and appli- 
cation of the principles of the doctrine of nullification, that it is 
competent for a State to decide upon the constitutionality of a 
law enacted by the National Legislature, developed itself, it was 
found necessary to invest it with new powers, tending to conceal its 
real character from observation. It was accordingly surrounded with 
the most imposing circumstances. The doctrine contended for 
by Mr. Calhoun could not be a sound one. It wanted uniformity 
and consistency; it was partial, unequal, and delusive; it makes 
every thing bend to the power of a State, while it affects to look 
back to, and recognise the Federal Government as the foundation 
and measure of its rights. Professing to respect the established 
system of our Government, it affords no shadow of sincerity for any 
part of it. Professing to be an equitable and peaceful mode for the 
ascertainment of the rights of our Federal system, it deprives it of 
all body and substance, and leaves it only a plausible and unreal 
appearance of magnitude and importance — it delivers it over, in 
a word, to the mercy of the States. The doctrine insisted upon by 
Mr. Webster, as regards the power of the Supreme Court in deci- 
ding constitutional questions, has something of certainty belonging to 
it. But there can be no security while a malignant and doubtful 



84 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

principle, such as that contended for by the partisans of the theory 
of the doctrine of nullification, liangs over ns. It is just what a 
State may choose to make it, lurking unseen, and unfelt ; or visible, 
active, and noxious. It may come upon the Federal Government 
when it is least expected; and the moment of confidence maybe the 
moment of insecurity. It may sleep for a time, but no man knows 
when it is to awaken to shed its baleful influence upon the extended 
concerns of the country. Ii may clothe itself from season to season 
in what may be termed relaxations, but again, without any previous 
intimation to the deluded citizens, these relaxations are suddenly laid 
aside, either in whole or in part, and the work of nullification and 
disunion commences. Mr. Webster pointed out the destructive con- 
sequences of this principle, and if established, he predicted that the 
destruction of the temple of liberty would follow in its train. What 
new and how many unequal and misshapen forms the parts would 
afterwards assume, no human sagacity could foresee. But the uni- 
form fate of all disjointed confederacies would compel us to renounce 
the hope of seeing it rebuilt upon firm and steady pillars, "polish' 
ed after the similitude of a palace.^' 

It was not our intention to analyze the principles as laid down in 
this great .speech. We refer to them with the sentiments of profound 
deference and admiration to Avhich they are entitled, and in which 
Mr. Webster endeavored to meet the most prominent doctrines in- 
volved in the controversy between the people of the United States 
on the one part, and a State on the other, and whether the constitu- 
tion should continue to be what the whole American people have 
made it, or it should be within the power of a single State to control 
and regulate the political movements of the Federal Government. 

This speech and the one delivered in 1830, are universally ad- 
mitted to contain the most profound and luminous expositions that 
have ever been given of our Constitution. These efforts are said to 
have contributed in a masterly manner to the settlement of the doc- 
trine of nullification and its derivative, secession and disunion ; and 
they are, it may be affirmed, no less admirably adapted to strengthen 
the authority and prolong the duration of the Constitution. 

No member of the Senate could have been more admirably fitted 
for the task, not only on account of the vigor of his talents and his 
patriotic zeal, but from the large and important share which he had 
taken in the exposition of constitutional principles before the Supreme 
Court of the United States. 

The same pure and enlightened spirit of patriotism which anima- 
ted his labors in that body in 1830, guided him in 1833. 

Those who wish to judge soundly of the merits of our system of 
Republican institutions, upon which our affairs may be administered, 
or of the tendency of particular measures to justify or impair the 
constitution, and consequently to promote or injure the best interests 
of the country, will do well to dwell upon the pages of this celebra- 
ted speech, and to study there the enlightened views and solid max- 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 85 

ims, in which the strength and direction of our Government were 
originally founded. It is the most authoritative and ample commen- 
tary we possess on that instrument, with regard to the spirit in 
which it was framed, to the true ends of its execution, and to the 
temper and views with which it should be administerf d. His 
gigantic intellect has left, wherever it was applied, traces .00 deep to 
be mistaken. It treated nothing superficially. It wove no tissue 
which does not exhibit clearness to brilliancy, and delicacy with 
strength. 

This effort is the most elaborate. Aware of the delicacy and 
difficulty of his subject, Mr. Webster seems to have summoned all 
the powers of his mind, to enable him to grasp it in ail its extent, 
and to present it in all its force and beauty. Nothing can exceed 
the luminous arrangement, the vast comprehension, and, I may add, 
the constitutional accuracy of the principles, which, ia style and 
sentiment, are distinguished by an unaffected grace, a majestic sim- 
plicity, which can only be eclipsed by the splendor of its higher 
qualities. It was in this debate that I felt the vigor of his intellect, 
and admired the clearness of his statements, the cogency of his logic, 
his energetic but unambitious eloquence, and high-mindedness of 
honor and lofty patriotism. 

There is no one general principle better established than this, 
that reason is the great authority upon constitutional questions, and 
the faculty of reasoning is the only weapon by which it can be ex- 
ercised. In Mr. Webster on this occasion it was perfect — in simpli- 
city, perspicuity, in strength and grandeur. His reasoning was as 
condensed as possible , never making abstraction the basis of his 
argument, and seldom resorting to analogies. His rejoinder to Mr. 
Calhoun in 1833, may be considei'ed as a perfect model of reason- 
ing, and as a monument of profound talent and exalted moderation, 
of firmness tempered by mildness. It excited no turbulent passion ; 
it awakened no narrow jealousy ; but dispassionately addressed the 
understanding and subdued it by the force of argument, of truth, and 
justice. Its effects were astonishing: and it is no unjust derogation 
from the splendid performances that at that period irradiated public 
opinion, to say this was the most luminous and expanded in consti- 
tutional views, that was delivered in the Senate during this eventful 
session. When the passion of the times shall have been forgotten — 
when the warring interests of individuals, and the petty bickerings 
of rival parties shall have been assigned to the tomb of oblivion, the 
future historian will faithfully record this speech, as a rich legacy 
to posterity, and hand his name down to after ages, as the great de- 
fender of the Constitution of the United States. 

The first speech on the doctrine of nullification, in reply to Gen. 
Hayne, is the finest and most transcendant efibrt of enlarges experi- 
ence impregnated with genius ; the last we place it with the fairest 
and the noblest progeny which judgment propagates by cOijunction 
with expanded knowledge. 



86 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

The allegation that Mr. AVebster is an advocate for consolidation 
of the powers of the Federal Government is absolutely unfounded. 
On this occasion, he sustained the doctrine that an honest and efficient 
support ought to be extended to the General Government, in the 
exercise of the legitimate powers of the Constitution. He always 
contended that it w\as the duty of statesmen to maintain its consti- 
tutional balance, by preserving the energies of the State and Federal 
Governments. He never made any attempt to vary the relation of 
their influence and powers. 

But it is said that the principles deducible from his argument 
in regard to the controlling influence of the Supreme Court, con- 
strain a sovereign State to bow before its mandates. Mr. Web- 
ster did not wish to see the States humbled in the dust and 
ashes; it was not his wish to see the pride of any man flattered by 
their degradation; but it was his wish to see the great and small — 
the sovereign and the subject — bow at the ahar of justice, and sub- 
mit to the high commandments of the constitution. 

There is no topic which requires such strong grounds to jus- 
tify its admission into controversy, as that of State pride and State 
sovereignty ; for, besides its incurable tendency to inflame the angry 
passions, and to excite even obloquy against individuals, the employ- 
ment of it in dispute, seems to beget feelings derogating from the 
dignity of a constitutional argument, and not consonant with the dic- 
tates of reason or the lessons of experience. The principles of our 
attachments and veneration for the Federal constitution are too deeply 
rooted in our hearts to be shaken by every veering breath of meta- 
physical theory. Our attachments for the Federal Union spring 
from no wire-drawn theory. They are as general as any part of 
our nature; the causes which generate or nourish them, lie deep 
as the unalterable interests of society, in the happiness and prosperity 
of seventeen millions of freemen, and in those primitive feelings of 
the human heart, which no circumstances can eradicate. 

Events like these only go to show how very nearly the balances 
of our constitutional system were adjusted, and what self-correcting 
vitality actually resides in it, which proves the wisdom of its framers. 
They saw across the disputed land of strict constructioii and consoli- 
dation, the elements of a storm that would shake the Government to 
its centre, and hence the erection of so many safeguards and checks 
to prevent centralization in the action of the federative system. 

Such arc the speeches of Mr. Webster on the constitution. They 
display such natural endowments of intellect, and such accun)ulation 
of knowledge, as would raise their author to the highest offices of 
national trust, and entitle him to the merit of splendid rewards of 
fame, under any free Government, either of antiquity or modern 

times. 

Here I might triumphantly demand of the restless enemy of con- 
stitutional liberty, U) point out, in the speeches or publications of Mr. 
Webster, one sentiment, or act, which proves the existence of a wish 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 87 

to destroy the Federal Union ; which threatens private property or 
personal security ; which can reasonably create any fear or jealousy 
in the mind of the most suspicious politician : which was not re- 
quired by the state of the country, and docs not merit the approba- 
tion of the people. 

It is true that there is some difference of opinion between Mr. 
Webster and a few of the disting-uished members of the Whig party, 
in relation to some doctrinal points in the construction of the consti- 
tution. But it is not in nature that all men should think alike on all 
subjects. We find men difiering;, for example, on what each of them 
thinks to be the plainest possible doctrines of theology; but are 
violent anathemas against each other, therefore, reasonable with 
the letter or spirit of the Christian precepts? Shall we expect 
a greater coincidence of sentiment on disputed points in politics ? Or 
shall we not allow men to think for themselves on particular points, 
if their general conduct conforms to the general spirit of the consti- 
tution, and of the expositions of it which have been sanctioned and 
ratified by the approbation of the people? 

There are several questions of national policy, and even of consti- 
tutional doctrine, on which the Republican party have been divided 
in opinion, and this dif{i3rence of opinion was then tolerated. It'is 
natural that men should ditier in the choice of means to produce a 
given end, and more natural that they should differ in the choice of 
political means than any other, because the subject presents more 
complicated and variable objects out of which to make a choice. 

The State rights doctrine has been rigidly adhered to by many 
distinguished statesmen, with great tenacity of purpose ; many have 
been willing to aspire to the character of martyrs in defence .of their 
faith. Mr. Webster's constitutional views, as developed, rest upon 
the basis of national welfare. He refined the gold from the dross, 
and adopted the amalgamation as the standard of his policy. 

The reader has already seen enough of the manly grasp which 
Mr. Webster takes of the constitution, to form some idea of the man- 
ner in which he walks over this extensive domain. Ho takes a 
broad and expanded view of the mighty field of the doctrine of nul- 
lification that lies before him, and. is too anxious for important results 
to dwell upon ephemeral phenomena, or meta-physical abstractions, 
which, however beautiful, flit before the intellectual eye but for a mi- 
nute, and then disappear, leaving no trace of their working behind. 
Hence it is that he sometimes seems to make too sweeping conclu- 
sions, and with an unqualified reprobation to condemn that in the 
gross, wdiich in the detail presents many singular and attractive 
beauties. But in an argument which aims to give, not the abstract 
principles, but the true spirit and practical wisdom of the constitu- 
tion, this is the only practicable, the only rational procedure. The 
brightest and mo2t luminous bodies in the universe have their spots, 
and the arguments of this great reasoncr are not always free from 
paralogisms. 



88 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

But if the character of Mr. Webster were to be tried by that 
rule which his enemies have prescribed, where are we to look, 
among the great men of ancient or modern times, for any Avho have 
stronger claims to the gratitude and respect of the country than those 
which could be advanced in favor of this illustrious personage? 
When the spirit of Nullification had convulsed the country, and 
alarmed the patriots of the land, that distinguished statesman com- 
pletely succeeded, by the vigor and sagacity of his arguments, in 
preventing the disastrous results which were generally anticipated. 
This was tlie main source of his distinction — this was the pedestal 
of his fame. 

Against these glorious efforts of a great statesman, so powerfully 
illustrative of the principles of the constitution, the subtlety of pro- 
fessional genius, the powers of brilliant sarcasm, and the overwhelm- 
ino" influence of barefaced misrepresentation, were successively em- 
ployed. The charges of hostility to State rights and a disposition 
to consolidate all political power in the Federal head, were espe- 
cially urged with all the zeal of trembling interest and all the fury 
of disappointed revenge. 

If Mr. Webster's opinions, as expressed in his speech in reply to 
General Hayne, renders him liable to such severe and unjust ani- 
madversions, what will his enemies say to the principles contained 
in the celebrated Proclamation issued in 1832 by General Jackson?* 
Now, Mr. Webster affirmed, in his speech in reply to General 
Hayne, " that the Constitution of the United States is not a league, 
confederacy/^ or compact between the people of the several States in 
their sovereign capacities, but a Government proper, founded on the 
adoption of the people, and creating direct relations between Uself 
and individuals." Now, contrast the principles maintained by 
Mr. Webster with those embodied in the Proclamation, and are 
they not precisely analogous, resting upon the same basis, and de- 
riving their existence from the same common reservoir of power? 
The principles of the Proclamation were sustained by the Jackson 
party — were advocated by the Richmond Enquirer and the Globe. 
Another conspicuous occasion presented itself for the display 
of Mr. Webster's great powers of mind. On looking around to 
the operations of the National Government for the last six or 
eight years, it is impossible to resist the conviction that a fatal 

* What is the language of the Proclamation ? '« The Constitution," it 
Bays, " was formed for tlic important objects tliat are announced in the pre. 
amble made in the name and hij tin: authority of the people, wliose delegates 
formed and wliose conventions approved it. The most important among the 
objects, and tliat wiiich is placed first in rank, on which all others rest, is to 
form a perfect union." 

Again : " The Constitution of the United States, then, forms a Goi^ern- 
ment, not a compact, not a league, and whether it be formed by compact be- 
tween the States, or in any other manner, its character is the same. It is a 
Government in which all the people are represented, which operates directly 
en the people, nut upon the Statesi." 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 89 

change has taken place in the whole policy and entire system of 
the Federal Government; that in every one of the departments 
it has, both in theory and practice, been rapidly verging to- 
wards consolidation — asserting judicial power whenever it became 
necessary to consummate any favorite system of policy, extending 
executive authority and influence to the remotest ramifications of 
society, thereby reducing all the departments of the Government 
under the control of the President, and disrobing them of their ad- 
mitted powers, making them mere atoms of one consolidated whole. 

In 1833 President Jackson determined to remove the public rev- 
enue from the custody of the Bank of the United Stales, notwith- 
standing the declaration made by Congress, that they were safe and 
ought not to be removed. 

The arguments drawn by the opponents of the measure from the 
acknowledged rights of the Bank and from the holy precepts of the 
constitution, were either shunned by the advocates of the removal, 
or ridiculed as the suggestions of party excitement. Every obsta- 
cle was thrown in the way of a fair and candid examination of its 
injurious operations inseparable from the trade and currency of the 
country. And the great and lasting interests of the nation were 
sought to be hid from the public view, by a glittering exhibition of 
the temporary increase of accommodation to the mercantile com- 
munity, and of the rapid accumulation of individual wealth. 

At the commencement of the deliberations of this important ses- 
sion, Mr. Webster was placed at the head of the Committee on Fi- 
nance in the Senate. 

It is not necessary to go much in detail in speaking of the great 
report, made by him at the commencement of this session, a paper 
which, in its historical and perspicuous exposition of the finances, 
will serve as a vade mecum to the American statesman, superseding, 
on this branch of our affairs, all others since the first days of the 
Republic; a document which, whether it be regarded as an analysis 
of a vast mass of political questions, or as calculated for the correc- 
tion of a series of legislative errors and the guidance of a delibera- 
tive body, has seldom been surpassed. So much compression of 
matter will seldom be found in a report of such voluminous dimen- 
sions. Full of all the distinguishing characteristics of his great 
speeches — of perfect accuracy, of admirable simplicity and clear- 
ness, of vigor of application, and an enlightened judgment, it con- 
tains no phrase which is not fraught with some forcible and essen- 
tial argument. 

This paper is in itself a monument which attests the constant 
fidelity of his service and the resolute and vast powers of his indus- 
try. He saw the dangers and embarrassments which would attend 
any interference with long established usages. He knew that there 
was a deeply riveted attachment to our financial systems prevailing 
extensively in every portion of the country. The injurious effects 
of this step on the operations of the Federal Government, on indi- 
M 



90 DANIEL WEBSTERj 

vidual wealth, on our bankiiiir institutions, and especially on our 
national strtng-th and prosperity, were ably and eloquently demon- 
strated, and were universally felt and most unwillingly acknow- 
ledg-ed by his political antagonists. 

His speech, too, on this occasion, presented a perspicuous sketch 
of the history of our revenue from the days of the Revolution, as 
w-ell as of its progress since, and of the general theoretical bearing 
of the immense multitude of new principles that have been more 
recently brought to light, and with the discovery of which his own 
name is so intimately and honorably associated. The subject, in- 
deed, could only be handled by a master, for in no part of his profound 
researches, not even in the most successful attempts to establish 
great constitutional principles and trace the complicated checks and 
balances of our political institutions, does his genius shine forthwith 
more glorious splendor, or are the peculiar qualities of his mind, 
cautiousness, accuracy, boldness, and originality, perceived to a 
greater advantage. 

When we reflect on the very imperfect state of the information 
furnished by the Secretary of the Treasury, the number of splendid 
consequences at which Mr. Webster arrived in that great eflbrt, it 
cannot be contemplated without astonishment. With a genius that 
seemed to crush interposing obstacles, Mr. Webster reaches his ends 
Avith very inadequate instruments of investigation. 

Mr. Clay, of the Senate, who is distinguished for his ardent and 
patriotic devotion to the constitution of the Federal Government, 
viewing the action of the Federal Executive in relation to the removal 
of the depositcs as a violation of the injunctions of the Constitution, 
introduced a resolution of censure on the President of the United 
Slates for this usurpation of power. The resolution Avas adopted. 

The succeeding session the Jackson party, having obtained the 
ascendancy in that body, introduced a resolution to expunge it from 
the Journals of the Senate. 

Mr. AVebsler did not resist this mutilation of the records of that body 
in a speech, but he read from his seat, a protest in the name of Mas- 
sachusetts, one of the sovereign States of this Union, one of the ablest 
State papers which either the politics or the literature of the coun- 
try has ever produced ; a paper in which the most seemingly remote 
and recondite consequences of our political s)'Stem were discussed 
with a clearness little short of prophecy, whilst it abounded with 
lessons of patriotism, illustrated and enforced with all the charms of 
that mild philosophy and chastened eloquence which belonged to its 
highly gifted author. 

it was a wise, a prudent, and, above all, a purely patriotic oppo- 
sition. The share that Mr. Webst.r had in it, and the part that he 
took in resisting the adoption of the expunging resolution, remains 
among the transactions of his public lite to which his memory will 
recur with the most gratifying recollections. Many other events 
have exhibited the qualities of his gigantic mind and his loity aduii- 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 91 

ration for the constitution ; but on no occasion has the consciousness 
of upright intentions, and a spiiit independent alike of political ha- 
tred to the Executive will, or of factious opposition, borne him with 
more firm and even step through the furnace of political convul- 
sions, and sustained him under the abandonment of friends, the ele- 
vation of popular favor at home, and all the obloquy that his ene- 
mies have, from that day to this hour, been able to heap upon him. 

At a time when the heart of every American who really feU for 
the prosperity of his country exulted in the brilliant successes of 
Mr. Webster's talents, and when almost every class of citizens who 
were at all interested in the welfare of the nation manifested their 
grateful and patriotic feelings, it might naturally be expected that 
his constituents participated in his triumphs, and appreciated his 
splendid and valuable achievements. A large portion of his constitu- 
ents, glorying in the honor of possessing a repersentative whose talents 
Avere the prid'^ of the Senate, and whose services to his country 
were so generally admired, sought an opportunity to testify their high 
and continued confidence in their distinguished representative, whose 
unquestioned attachment for the constitution, whose accurate ac- 
quaintance with its principles and his confessed ability in expound- 
ing and supporting them, whose principles, politics, and character, 
are so completely identified with the constitution of the United 
States. The citizens of Boston, influenced by the most patriotic 
considerations, presented to him a costly piece of plate, before a 
crowded audience,'' in testimony of their high appreciation of his 
exalted worth, and eminent public services. The manner in which 
this present was made ; the expression of friendship and confidence 
which accompanied it ; and the high approbation with which his ex- 
ertions were received, were circumstances gratifying beyond expres- 
sion to the warmest feelings of his heart, and gratifying to every 
principle of public duty. ^It Avill tell to his latest posterity the re- 
spect and admiration in which his character and talents were held 
by the citizens of this commercial emporium. Nor was it less grati- 
fying to the feelings of his constituents. It was a small, but sincere 
tribute of the high respect which they entertained for Mr. Webster; 
of their gratitude for the services which he had rendered in the 
national councils, as one of the representatives of Massachusetts; of 
their admiration of his talents as a statesman. 

The esteem and applause of his fellow-citizens form the best mo- 
tives to animate the exertions of the patriotic statesman, and are the 
great and wished for reward of every public service. 

This high character \vhich Mr. Webster had acquired, and thus 
appreciated so highly by the commercial city of Boston, was the result 
of no intrigue — it was by the practice of no art, by Avearing no dis- 
guise; it was not by accident, or by the profligacy of party organiza- 
tion, but in despite of the malignant representations of his enemies. It 
was acquired by long and inflexible adherence to principle — by his 
ejcpanded attachment to the constitution of his country — by the un- 



92 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

surpassed ability with which he has explained and defended its prin- 
ciples. It was by his identification with this sacred charter of our 
liberties, by loving his country better than himself, that he rose re- 
fnlgently in public estimation, and received that popularity, that 
homage, which is always accorded by an enhghtened constituency, 
to patriotic virtue, and distinguished services. 

in 1835, our affairs with France assumed a portentous appear- 
ance. This condition of things required great firmness on the part 
of our statesmen. Our claims on France had their origin in flagrant 
violations of the law of nations, and of our own neutral rights, for 
which the pretence alleged at the time afforded no justification. 

It would occupy too much time to enter into a review and ana- 
lysis of the correspondence which pas.sed between the ministers of 
the two countries. 

In the debates regarding our external relations, in which the 
characters of great statesmen are more prominent and important, the 
reader will find in Mr. Webster's discussions of these topics, every 
where the same principles, the same contempt for every artifice, and 
the same reliance on the efforts of good will and plain dealing. 

As regards the adjustment of our difficulties with France, Mr. 
Webster contended that the door of negotiation was open. He con- 
tended, also, that the misapprehensions on the subject of the treaty 
and the claims of the United States which appear to have existed in 
the French Chambers and prevented their legislative action in the 
treaty, might be removed by explanation, which the United States 
should be ready and willing to make. 

On the 3d of March, 1835, a proposition was submitted by Mr. 
Cambreleng, the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, to 
place at the disposal of the President the sum of three millions of 
dollars, to be expended in whole or in part for the naval and mili- 
tary service. The proposition was adopted in the House of Repre- 
sentatives. When it was presented to the Senate for its adoption, 
Mr. Webster opposed it, on the ground that it conferred on the 
President unlimited military power. He urged also, that such an 
appropriation was indefensible upon any ground of public policy. 
I'hat it proposed to give a vast sum of money into the hands of the 
President without any specific object, leaving it to him to use as he 
might please. He might levy troops; he might raise an army 
and attack a foreign nation — he might, in short, dispose of the money 
as he should see fit. 

Mr. Webster discovered in this extravagant grant of money, as 
proposed by the Administration, lurking danger. He knew that the 
power of declaring war was confined by the constitution to the rep- 
resentatives of the people. He knew also, that the framers of the 
constitution were too wise to give any such power to one single 
hand. He viewed this proposition as making a change in the whole 
frame of the constitution. And hence his strong and decided oppo- 
sition to the adoption of such an extravagant appropriation, at war 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 93 

with the peace and tranquillity of the country, and virtually over- 
throwing all the barriers of the constitution. 

The speech of Mr. Webster on this occasion has been justly ad- 
mired. In perspicuity and force of diction ; in excellence of appro- 
priate and well methodised arrangement ; and in all the vigorous 
qualities of genuine and patriotic eloquence ; in judgment and firm- 
ness, it fully sustained its title to the high eulogy of Judge Mangum, 
in which he declared that it was one of the most powerful efforts he 
had ever heard in the Senate of the United States. 

By his wise and judicious counsels the appropriation was lost, and 
the policy of negotiation was strictly pursued. Peace, consistent 
with American interests and American honor, was maintained. The 
national mind was reconciled to it; and the ability of the Senator, by 
whose skilful argument it was secured, was rewarded by the ap- 
plauses of the country. 

There has rarely been occasion in which the anxiety of the coun- 
try has been so highly excited. But the policy pursued by Mr. 
Webster in resisting such extravagant propositions, met the decided 
approbation of the people, and the excitement was completely satis- 
fied and allayed. 

In 1836, the citizens of Massachusetts submitted his name to the 
people of the United States as a candidate for the Presidency. 
From his long and patriotic services — from his distinguished talents 
and exalted virtues, they were desirous of elevating him to the 
highest and most honorable station in the world. 

At this period there was much division of political sentiment per- 
vading the ranks of the Whig party. Judge White, of Tennessee, 
was a favorite candidate in one section of the Union, and General 
Harrison in another. Such being the divided condition of the party- 
such being the want of harmony and union — the Whig party of 
Massachusetts gave the electoral vote of that State to the distinguish- 
ed Senator, who had shed a halo of glory around the name of his 
adopted commonwealth. 

In 1836, President Jackson issued his celebrated specie circular, 
directing the officers of the Government to receive nothing but 
specie in payments of the dues to the Government. This constituted 
the prologus of the drama which was exhibited in this country, 
and displayed to an astonished people the most ruinous results, 
filling the nation with gloom and despondency. 

In 1837, two months after the installation of Mr. Van Buren, a 
most disastrous revulsion occurred in our commercial affairs. With 
all the elements of prosperity, we were hurried to a state of ruin and 
widely extended embarrassments. The credit of the nation was deep- 
ly affected by these disastrous results, in consequence of the rash in- 
novations of the Administration, and bankruptcy fell upon many of 
the most respected and worthy merchants in the land, and for a time 
impended over all classes of the community. The banks which had 
been multiplied with great rapidity, now felt the shock which had 



94 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

been given to credit and the commercial operations of the country, 
and suspended specie payment. 

Whilst these things were progressing, sweeping through the coun- 
try like a tornado, Mr. Webster paid a visit to the Western country. 

Helvetius remarks, that the sun of glory only cast its broad 
splendors upon the tomb of greatness. This observation is too 
often true, but facts, living proofs, sometimes contradict it. Mr. 
Webster walked on in life, amid the eulogies, the admiration, and 
the enthusiastic regard of a great and enlightened community, with- 
out the decorations of office, or the patronage of official distinction. 

At Wheeling he was received with all the demonstrations of re- 
spect due to his great talents, his exalted fame, and eminent station. 
The speech he delivered on this occasion is remarkable for the pro- 
fundity of his remarks on finance, currency, and commerce. 

In descending the Ohio river, he was met at Cincinnati by a nu- 
merous body of distinguished citizens, all solicitous to behold the 
great statesman who defended their interests so ably and so success- 
fully in the Senate of the United States. Kentucky, ever foremost in 
welcoming eminent citizens within her borders, now gave fresh 
evidence of that warmth of feeling and hospitable kindness for which 
she is proverbial and proudly distinguished, and greeted the great 
defender of the constitution as one of her household gods. 

The citizens of St. Louis invited him to that beautiful and pros- 
perous city. The manner of the invitation, the high character of 
those who gave it, and the warmth of his reception, must long be 
cherished in the mind of Mr. Webster with grateful remembrance. 
There he partook of sumptuous entertainments, and the magnificent 
displays which luxurious wealth afford. Her verdant lawns and 
rural parks were ''atmosphercd in music and bosomed in beauty," 
to receive the illustrious stranger. The daily papers of the West 
noticed his movements, and the unsurpassing and frank aftability 
of his republican manners, conciliated towards him marked respect 
wherever he went. 

Hitherto, the genius of Mr. Webster had been manifested chiefly 
in the development of the seminal principles of the constitution. 
An event now occurred, which was to be the occasion of elevating 
him pre-eminently to public view, and of displaying the strength 
and lustre of his mind, while dealing a decisive blow in his coun- 
try's welfare. 

In September, 1837, President Van Buren convened the Con- 
gress of the United States, for the purpose of providing some mode 
to defray the expenses of the Government, and to establish some 
fiscal agent to enable the Government to carry on its financial con- 
cerns. To remedy the evils which had been brought upon the 
country by the rash and inconsiderate measures of tlie preceding 
Administration, he proposed to Congress the adoption of a Sub-Trea- 
sury. Not content with establishing this innovation, he recommended 
to Congress to exclude all bank paper in the payment of debts due 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 95 

to the Government — in other words, to establish a hard money cur- 
rency exclusively. To the expanded mind of an eminent states- 
man, this proposition seemed to be preposterous in the extreme, and 
as such it was resisted by Mr. Webster. 

It is needless for me to enter upon any analytical investigation of 
the points discussed by him. The speech in opposition to this mea- 
sure, as proposed by the Administration party, was characterized by 
the most statesman-like views and sentiments, and abounding in the 
most valuable commercial information, overthrowing the allegations 
of his opponents, not only by the most convincing reasoning, but by 
the clearest arithmetical process. 

There are few periods in the history of the United States at which 
the prospects of the people of this country were more gloomy and 
discouraging than in the year of 1838. Her land never produced 
more — her industry never was greater. These are the foundations of 
her wealth, and they flowed with an unexhausted and progressively 
increasing stream, and the national spirit remained unshaken — 
yet we found an enormous accumulating debt, and a rapidly declin- 
ing commerce. Notwithstanding this condition of things, Mr. Van 
Buren made another attempt to fasten on the country the odious 
Sub-Treasury, and thus derange the financial operations of the coun- 
try. 

The most important event as relates to the character and fame of 
Mr. Webster which occurred in the course of this year, was his 
speech on the system of currency, in which he displayed the most 
extensive knowledge of this complicated and much contested sub- 
ject, in all its ramifications— the soundest and most enlightened 
views, and the most prophetic insight into the dangers and difficul- 
ties which must ensue from a long and ultimate perseverance in the 
then existing method of managing the financial resources of the 
country. 

The speeches of Mr. Webster on this subject exhibit to the histo- 
rical reader a clear and complete view of what had been our policy 
and what had been the consequences ; what was then our policy, 
and what were then the actual and probable consequences. They 
also present to the political philosopher, perspicuous and forcible 
reasoning upon the system which the Government had adopted. 

The session of 1839 passed over without any business of momen- 
tous interests to call forth the powers of Mr. Webster, with the excep- 
tion of one — the currency and the discussion of the Sub-Treasury. 
His speeches in opposition to the policy of Mr. Van Buren, in rela- 
tion to the establishment of a hard-money currency, and a Sub-Trea- 
sury scheme, are perhaps the most elaborate exhibitions of financial 
science, the most lucid expositions of the complicated details, and 
the most masterly arguments, to be found on this abstruse and labo- 
rious subject. 

In reviewing the points discussed by Mr. Webster, which he 
thought were involved in the establishment of the Sub-Treasury 



96 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

scheme — the state of public credit — the institution and constitution- 
ality of a National Bank — thu cstablisliraent of a sound and uniform 
system of exchanges — and the operation of the schemes of the Ad- 
ministration party, upon wages, domestic manufactures, and com- 
merce — no encomiums can be too lofty, when applied to the success 
with which he treated these important branches of political enonomy. 
He evinced a most profound knowledge of general principles — a 
singularly skilful application of them to the circumstances of this 
country And a most intimate acquaintance with our domestic 
interests and relations, the utmost perspicuity of method and style, 
and the happiest relation of topics with argument and illustration, 
distinguished all his efforts on these subjects, and authorize us to 
denominate them masterpieces in their kind, 

I have thus reviewed the political life and services of Mr. Web- 
ster. We think upon his whole character as a Senator, we may 
remark that there was a combination of the finest elements that have 
been united in that office. Among those which may be regarded as 
primary and fundamental, were a devotional love for the constitution 
and a fervent zeal for its preservation , as the end and intended fruit 
of all. The former was enlightened by laborious study and prac- 
tical observation, through a long course of public service ; the latter 
was purified like the constitution of his own mind, by a ceaseless 
endeavor to sustain it in all its primitive purity and unimpaired 
vigor. In the service of the affections he never faltered. His 
efforts on every occasion was to satisfy both ; and by attention to the 
researches of others, to protect inquiry for herself, and a judgment sin- 
gularly clear in its perceptions, he seldom was defeated in obtaining 
his object. 

But splendid as the career of this distinguished individual has 
been, and so eminently useful to his country, we must look to his 
action in another department of the Government, and behold there 
the immensity of his labors in unfolding the principles of the consti- 
tution, and in fixing the great landmarks of the jurisdiction of the 
Supreme Court. Before this most august tribunal, the most mo- 
mentous rights connected with political liberty, are commented 
upon, discussed, and maintained. He who understands profoundly 
the argumentative reasoning and the principles developed by Mr. 
Webster before this learned tribunal, upon constitutional doctrines, 
must possess an expanded knowledge of the history, organiza- 
tion, and doctrines of the political constitution of the nation. It 
is the peculiar province of this august tribunal not only to con- 
strue and expound, but to guard and protect the great charter of 
our liberties. It stands between the Government and the people, 
and may pronounce any act invalid which is contrary to the tenor of 
the constitution. 

During the time he has been in the habit of appearing before the 
Supreme Court, many of the most interesting questions, growing 
out of our institutions, have been authoritatively settled ; the construe- 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 97 

lion of the constitution, in some of its most important points, judi- 
cially pronounced; international questions of the highest moment — 
numerous points of general commercial law — the obligation of con- 
tracts — the nature and character of chartered corporations — the 
power of Congress to regulate the trade, navigation, and intercourse 
among the States, have all been illustrated and adjusted by this 
learned tribunal. His arguments on these questions show a mind 
deeply imbued with the science of his profession. They were 
learned, and able, and just. They emit, and will continue to emit 
in all time to come, a clear and steady light on the jurisprudence of 
the country, and on rights public and private. They place his cha- 
racter for high intelligence and learning on an imperishable basis. 
They contributed, in no small degree, in moulding the mind of the 
court upon those momentous questions. Few, if any, of the great 
jurists of the country, have exhibited before this tribunal a talent of 
a higher order, a genius of more vigor, a legal acumen of deeper 
investigation. 

If I were to select any in particular from the mass of his argu- 
ments, for the purpose of exhibiting what we have derived from his 
laborious professional skill, and from the expanded faculties which 
have been applied to the construction of the constitution, it would be 
that in which the individuality of chartered rights had been main- 
tained. '' The case of Dartmouth College is the bulwark of our in- 
corporated institutions for public education, and of those chartered 
endowments for ditlusing public charity, which are not only the 
ornaments, but amongst the strongest defences of a nation." This 
decision adjudicated points, which has thrown the mantle of sanc- 
tity around chartered rights, and imparted certainty and stability 
to every thing appertaining to corporate concerns, and gave the as- 
surance that a contract was not to be violated by party and occasional 
prejudice. Every thing connected with this question was new, 
every thing unsettled. The extent of the powers of the Court to 
declare a law of a sovereign State void, as violatory of the immu- 
nities and privileges of private and public corporations, was also 
unsettled. Mr. Webster, in forming his arguments upon these pomts, 
had to rely only on the faculties of his understanding — on the pro- 
visions of the constitution — to the first principles of society and gov- 
ernment as recognised in our republican institutions. There was no 
precedent upon record. 

His argument on this occasion is alike remarkable for the elo- 
quence, for the clearness with which he explained all the intricacies 
of a very complicated subject, and for the great ability with which 
he applied individual cases which he considered as elucidatory of the 
great and comprehensive principles of constitutional law, and the 
eternal principles of public justice. There has rarely been a question 
decided by any legal tribunal in this country, involving, as this did, 
such important considerations, which has been more generally ac- 
N 



98 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

quiesccd in by tho judicial mind of the country. If we were to say, 
that that great and piiilosophical argument made by Mr. Webster in 
justification of the inviolability of chartered rights contributed great- 
ly to form the judgment of the court, we are in hopes that exaggera- 
tion will not be attributed to our remarks; but we venture to assert, 
and we base this assertion upon the fact, that the points discussed 
by the learned Judge who delivered the opinion, are precisely analo- 
gous to those which Mr. Webster presented in his argument, and 
his conclusions are based upon the same principles. 

In addition to this learned constitutional argument, we may refer 
to numerous others, in which he evinced equal depth of research 
and luminous illustration, viz : the case of McCullough vs. the Bank 
of the United States ; Ogdea vs. Saunders ; Gibbon vs. Ogden ; and 
the Bank of the United States vs. Earle. Other individuals may 
have had more learning at immediate command — may have had 
their learning under better discipline, or in a condition more appro- 
priate for the duty in which it was emploj^ed — but with Mr. Web- 
ster his constitutional learning flows through his arguments in a 
stream of exuberant richness; its current is transparently clear, and 
its depth was never less than the subject required. 

In 1 839, the Whig party of Massachusetts was desirous of placing 
his name b(;fore the American people as a candidate for the Presi- 
dency. But honorable as this evidence of public confidence was to 
the character of Mr. Webster, it is not worthy to be compared to the 
high honor which he acquired by retiring from the political cam- 
paign in 1840. Rarely do we meet with the exhibition of mag- 
nanimity so disinterested — of ambition so regulated, by principle, so 
chastened by prudence. 

In reviewing the political achievements which were effected by 
the Whig party during the last campaign, our attention is drawn to 
the many and important services rendered by Mr. Webster. In this 
political contest, no man contributed more to reconcile warring opi- 
nions; none labored more assiduously to rekindle the ardor of those 
who were growing cold, and, steadily pursuing his aim, the over- 
throw of the party in power. If a political reformation claimed 
the steady efforts of true moral courage and unextinguishable zeal, 
it ought also to be remembered that it no less required a proportion 
of nice discernment, and the solid materials of reason, truth, and 
justice. If a political superstition, which invested the President with 
the high prerogative of infallibility, was to be assailed and levelled 
with the dust, the ignorance which, with its characteristic blindness, 
supported that superstition, was at the same time to he dethroned and 
demolished ; if old abuses were to be removed, and a new order of 
things to be introduced and systematized, it was desirable to find one 
distinguished for the splendor of his talents, the greatness of his 
character, and the authority of his name, at once to clear away the 
rubbish of error, and clothe political truths with attractive beauty. 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 99 

To achieve these great results, who, I ask, could have been called 
upon at this crisis to enforce the doctrines of the Whig party more 
eloquently and more successfully than the Senator from Massachu- 
setts? It is impossible not to admire liis genius and persevering 
intrepidity whilst engrossed in this political conflict. To distinguish 
the true principles of the constitution, and the causes of political cor- 
ruption, required a mind of more than ordinary stretch. To dis- 
cover a plan for the recovery of the prosperity of the country, and 
fix the limits of Executive usurpation, demanded a degree of resolu- 
tion which no opposition could control. But to struggle success- 
fully against an Administration intrenched in power — t^o plant the 
standard of rebellion in the heart of her empire, and to lay low her 
embattlements, required a leader who is capable of exhibiting to his 
countrymen the most profound views; one who had arisen in the 
steps of history, in knowledge of human nature, to an eminence 
whence he can see a great way around him ; who does not lose 
himself in the intricacies of defiles and private paths, but is guided 
by those vistas and highways which are open to accomplished states- 
men, by reading, by reflection, or actual observation on various po- 
litical schemes of national policy. Such a statesman, in no incon- 
siderable degree, is Mr. AVebster ; and with no other armor but his 
eloquence and the justice of his cause, he marched forth to battle, 
and unfolded to his fellow-soldiers the weak points of the enemjr. 
He pointed to the spirit of discontent which pervaded the land, and 
met and opposed the Administration wherever they turned; and 
they assayed by every means within their power to annihilate it. 
But while they were yet busy in finishing the image of terror, in 
bestowing upon it the last touches, and tricking it out with the last 
fantastic decorations to delude the people — while they gazed with 
delight upon the formidable but lifeless figure, the current of popular 
feeling rushed in, the pageant became impregnated with living 
energy, and the astonished inventors recoiled from it with amaze- 
ment. 

To enumerate, even generally and superficially, the admirable 
qualities of his speech delivered in Richmond, in 1840, which was 
his last effort during the electioneering corapaign, would be to per- 
form, inadequately and feebly, a task upon which the learning and 
gSDius of some biographer may be exhausted. To his master hand 
we owe a picture, which, for depth of coloring and vigor of design, 
has no match. It is the greatest service ever rendered to the country 
which he adorns, by any of her distinguished statesmen ; and its con- 
templation has produced, as sooner or later it was destined to pro- 
duce, the resolute determination of the ablest statesmen to clean out 
the Augean stable, whose recesses he had laid open, and upon whose 
accumulated nuisances his powerful hand had directed the river to 
roll. 

The profound wisdom, solid and beneficial philosophy, enforced 
by all the powers of Mr. Webster's eloquence, produced a very con- 



100 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

siderable change in public opinion as regards the policy of the Ad- 
ininistration. From this period many men of talents, learning, and 
political consideration, openly declared sentiments nnfavorable to its 
continuation in power. 

I have thus endeavored to vindicate the political reputation oi 
the Secretary of State from the groundless accusation of his oppo- 
sition to the war, the advocacy of principles antagonistical to our 
republican institutions, and his resistance to Mr. Jefferson's and Mr. 
Madison's administrations.* A triumph of freedom from such im- 
putations so complete and overwhelming, and a discomfiture of his 
assailants so signal, may administer delight to the best hopes of man, 
and the most exalted feelings of his nature. It demonstrates that 
justice has not yet left the land, and reconciles one to the lot of hu- 
manity with all its errors and imperfections. 

Whatever may have been his political errors connected with 
party politics, and however he may have offended those who acted 
in opposition to his views, it cannot be denied that, during the whole 
period of his service in Congress, he never for a moment neglected 
the cardinal interests of the country ; nor did any personal resent- 
ment prevent him from adopting the views of his political adversa- 
ries, when satisfied of their correctness and expediency. 

The land bill was the last important measure that Mr. Webster 
supported, during the session of 1840. But besides the measures 
which IMr. Webster may be said to have accomplished by the influ- 
ence of his general authority, as falling within the sphere of his 
immediate duties, many important changes and improvements, during 
the period that he was a leading member in Congress, were incor- 
porated into th-: various branches of our commercial policy, as well 
as into the practice and structure of our judicial system, f 

In February, 1841, he retired from the Senate of the United 
States. He left behind him a rrputation to which none can ever ex- 
pect to reach. It was a reputation v/hich not even his bitterest ene- 
mies ventured to call in question. The feelings of political animosity 
seemed overcome by a great sentiment of exultation in that genius 
and eloquence which added principally to the stock, great as it is, of 
American glory. His principles on certain points were the subject 

* In reference to Mr. Madison'H administration, Mr. James Buchanan, now 
in the Senate of the United States, and a very good Democrat, remarks, 
that " the Capitol of the United Stales, the lofty temple of liberty, which 
was roared and consecrated by Washington, has been abandoned to its fate 
by his degenerate siiccessor, who ought to have shed his last drop of blood 
in its defence." — See Mr. Buchanan's speech, delivered in 1815, page 13. 
What an imputation on the character of the venerable patriot ; and this, loo, 
proclaimed by a Democrat ! 

t In 1825, Mr. Weltster undertook a general revision of the criminal code. 
This was a task of Vu3t magnitude and extraordinary labor. It met with the 
decided approbation of both houses of Congress. He has also uniformly 
supported a bankrupt system, and has always taken a very prominent part in 
enforcing it upon the attention of Congress. 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 101 

of controversy, but his great talents were highly estimated and 
justly admired by his political friends. To be prominent where all 
are eminent — to be acknowledged a leader where all are qualified 
to lead — is surely no mean praise, and it is an evidence of high en- 
dowments and great elevation of character. This was unquestion- 
ably the case with Mr. Webster. This, we contend, is exalted 
praise, particularly when we recollect that in that body he had to 
contend with giants. He had to encounter in debate the unosten- 
tatious but vigorous sense of White, of Tennessee, the profound 
and acute discernment of Poindexter, the exhausting diligence and 
polished strength of Hayne, the gigantic learning of Livingston, 
the commanding judgment of Van Buren, the infinitely varied at- 
tainments of Forsyth, the felicitous and exalted genius of Tazewell, 
the metaphysical, rapid, and penetrating sagacity of Calhoun. 

But no sooner than it was announced to that august body that he 
ceased to be a member of it, than opposition raised her Gorgon 
front. 

In a moment of hurry and confusion, before the mind could have 
time to reflect — at a moment when calm and temperate discussion 
was precluded, and the close of the session was at hand — a sudden 
and preconcerted appeal was made to party feeling, and a long-tried, 
faithful, and most able public servant, eminent fjr his abilities and 
integrity, and wrapped up in the pride and glory of his country, 
and who had labored with unabated and unceasing zeal for her last- 
ing prosperity and happiness, than he is subjected to the most bitter 
reproaches that his infuriated and vindictive enemies could heap 
upon him, and every means were resorted to to hurl him from that ex- 
alted eminence in public confidence which he has so justly attained. 
His principles hav^e been assailed by sophistical arguments and 
groundless assertions, and he has been traduced as advocating doc- 
trines dangerous to the liberties of the country. 

Mr. Webster has been charged on the lloor of the Senate, by Mr, 
Cuthbert, of Georgia — this modest Malvolio, whose eyes are spec- 
tacled by a lens compounded of the narrowness of political hatred 
and corroding envy — with countenancing abolition principles. Who- 
ever will investigate Mr. Webster's sentiments as expressed in his 
speeches and letters, as they really are, and not through the medium 
of a blind and bigoted prejudice, will perceive that they not only 
originated in a spirit of generous magnanimity, but that they are 
marked by the most delicate and scrupulous regard to the rights, 
privileges, and feelings of the South. Recognising the legitimate 
existence of slavery as guarantied by the Federal Constitution, he 
denies the power of the National Legislature to interfere in any 
manner whatever with the institution of slavery. 

To his speeches in reply to General Hayne, at the Richmond 
Convention in 1840, the reader is referred; and if Mr. Webster's 
eloquent and indignant spurning of the unworthy imputation 
should have the same effect upon his mind that they had upon 



102 DANIEL WEBSTER; 

the audience to which ihey were addressed, the refutation will indeed 
be satisfactory, triumphant, and complete.* 

Ill what age of the world, among what class or description of 
people and nations, was a compact ever made more solemn and sa- 
cred than the Constitution of tiie United States? It is simple and 
luminous. It was made with a full knowledge of all the circum- 
stances of the condition of the country, of all the incitements to 

* " There is not, nor never has been, a disposition in the North to inter- 
fere with these interests of the South. Such an interference has never been 
supposed to be witliin the power of the Government, nor has it been in any 
way attempted. The slavery of the South has always been legardcd as a 
matter of domestic policy, left willi the States themselves, and with which 
.the Federal Government had nothing to do. Certainly, sir, I am, and ever 
have been, of that opinion. * * + I regard domestic slavery as one of 
t!ie greatest of evils, moral and political. But though it be a malady, 
whether it be curable — and, if so, by what means; or, on the other hand, 
whether it be the vulnus immedicabiie of the social system, / leave it to those 
whose ri^ht and ichost duty it is to inquire and decide. And this I believe, 
«ir, is, and uniformly has been, the sentiment of the North." 

Webster^s speech, p. 380. 

" We know, sir, that the representation of the States in the other House 
18 not equal. We know that great advantage, in that respect, is enjoyed by 
the slave-holding States. * * Nevertheless, irfo 7iO? comp/ain. Nor would 
I countenance any movement to alter the arrangement of representation. 
It is the original bargain, the compact. Let it stand ; let the advantage be 
fully enjoyed. The Union itself Is loo full of benefits to be hazarded in pro. 
.positions for changing its original basis. ! go for the constitution as it is, 
anil the Union as it is." — Ibid, p. :3S2. 

Again, let us turn to his Richmond speech. 

'• And here I am brought to advert, for one moment, to what I constantly 
see in all the Administration papers [Van Buren] from Baltimore south. It 
is one of porpetuul outcry, admonishing the people of tie South that their 
uwn State (Joveriiments and the property they hold under them are not secure, 
if they admit a Northern man to any considerable share in the administration 
of the Government. You all know that this is the general cry. Now, 1 
have spoken mv sentiments in the neighborhood of Virginia, though not ac- 
tuallv within the State, in June last, and again in the heart of Massachusetts 
in July, so that it is not now 1 proclaim them far the first time ; but ten 
years ago, vvlien obliged to spenk on the same subject, 1 uttered the same 
sentimeiits in regard to slavery and the absence of all power in Congress to in- 
tcrferc, in any tnuaner icuatevcr, with that subject. I delivered my sentiments 
fully in Alexandria in the month of June, and in July at Worcester, Massa- 
chusetts. I shall ask some friend connected with the press to circulate in 
Viro-inia what I said on this subject in the Senat-^ of the United States on 
llio".30tli of June last. I have nollilng to ;.dd to or to subtract from what I 
then said. I commend it to your attention, or rather I desire you to look at 
it. / hold that Congress is absolutely precluded from interfering, in any man- 
ner, directly or indirectly, icith this or any other of the institutions of the coun. 
try. Well, I repeat it— proclaim it on the wings of all the winds — tell it 
your friends— tell, I say, that, standing hero, in the Capitol of Virginia, under 
an October sun, in the midst of this assemblage, before the entire country, 
and upon all the responsibility which belongs to mo — 1 say there is no power, 
directly or indirectly, in Congress or the General Governuient, to interfere in 
-the slightest degree unth the institutions of the South."— ExUa.ct from Mr.. 
tVVobstor's speecii delivered in llichmond, Virginia, October 7, 1840. 



SECRETARY OF STATE. 103 

make it, and of all the objections that the ingenuity of its enemies 
could suggest. Every man is bound to adhere to this compact. 
And to say that Mr. Webster has countenanced any effort to inter- 
fere with the institution of slavery, is to charge him who has taken 
an oath to support the constitution, with perjury. Everyman un- 
derstands the compact; and Mr. Webster is the last man in the 
nation to deface one pillar upon which it rests for support. 

Mr. Webster has nothing to fear from this charge. He has a 
right to ask that he shall neither be judged on naked assertions, 
without proof, nor on vague and general charges, without details. 
It is a general rule of evidence, that it is incumbent on those who 
assert the existence of any thing, to prove it. We have not, how- 
ever, thought our duty on so important an occasion fulfilled, unless 
we undertook to prove what the lawyers call "a negative," and to 
show, with as much strength of reasoning as we possess, the non- 
e.xistence of the charge. Has it a glimmering of existence 1 No one 
will say so. Then, I ask, what worse disgrace, what lower depth of 
infamy can there be for the Opposition presses, than thus deliberately 
to assert a falsehood, and to make that falsehood the groundwork of 
a protracted scale of atrocious aspersions upon the character of a 
public man! 

When we say that the assertion that Mr. Webster ever counte- 
nanced abolition in any form, is false, we speak only as regards the 
effects of evidence upon our mind: we pretend not to make our per- 
ceptions the standard of those of any other. We know the nature of 
the human mind, and how imperceptibly, even to ourselves, passion 
and preconception will throw, as it were, a mist over the intellect- 
ual eye, and bend or scatter the rays of evidence before they strike 
on its vision. We have submitted extracts from Mr. Webster's 
speeches, and we think, upon a fair analyzation of them, the judg- 
ment of the mind must pronounce the assertion false. 

For more than twenty-seven years he has passed in review before 
the nation, occupying many official stations, shedding lustre upon all, 
and impressing upon all the character of his exalted mind. From the 
commencement up to the present moment of his brilliant career, he 
has been the distinguished defender of our constitutional liberties, and 
the untiring advocate of the great interests of every section of the 
country. Whatever measure he viewed as powerful for good, or 
fraught with utility — whatever was respected, admired, or applaud- 
ed — whatever tended to dignify human nature, and meliorate the con- 
dition of man, to advance the cause of virtue, and exalt the charac- 
ter of the country, was sure to find a zealous support. 

Providence, indeed, seems to have formed Mr. Webster for the 
Government, in which it is his destiny to act so conspicuous 
a part. He is an ardent admirer of its principles, and directs all 
the active and mighty energies of his mind to their preservation. 
He correctly thinks that the policy of the country should have re- 
ference to the principles of the Government. No man has read 



104 DANIEL WEBSTER, 

history wiih move advantage, and more cautiously attends to the 
admonitions of experience. But he keeps it constantly in view, that 
he is acting in the councils of the United States, not of Greece, or 
Rome, or Great Britain, or France. When he consults the expe- 
rience of other nations, he considers wherein the United States difTer 
in situation from the nation whose experience he is consulting, and 
thus avoids the errors into which too many statesmen fall, by a 
blind and indiscriminate adherence to the experience of other na- 
tions. 

In conclusion, it may be observed, that Mr. Webster yields to no 
man in his respect and deference, and we may add, strong affection 
for the people. He looks upon them, not as representatives of all the 
political power, but as imbued in the mass with the loftiest attributes 
of justice, magnanimity, and virtue. He holds, they seldom err, and 
never except under the influenceof a transient passion: they never in- 
flict an intentional injury, and never neglect an opportunity when con- 
vinced of the fact, to redress to the full extent of their power, a wrong 
inflicted either by themselves or others, on a faithful public servant, 
(jiloomy beyond description, indeed, would be the prospect of the 
eminent statesman, if, in the midst of the difficulties that environ 
him, the base calumny with which he is assailed, the vindictive feel- 
ings with which he is pursued, he could not turn for countenance 
and support to that kind and patriotic multitude, whose happiness 
and prosperity he has so nobly and so proudly struggled to main- 
tain. We have heard him advocating the cause of the Constitution 
and the liberties of his countrymen; again, we have heard him sup- 
plicating the public councils in the cause of a suTering people, and 
imploring the Administration of the Government to abandon their 
short-sighted policy. We have seen him while every eye was in- 
tently fixed on his pallid countenance, and the death-like silence 
which pervaded the Senate chamber, confessed the overwhelming in- 
fluence of his t'loquence, and the high-toned sentiments of patriotism 
with which he inspired every heart. We have seen his bosom heave 
with patriotic emotions as he invoked their love of Republican liberty, 
and their detestation of Executive tyranny, and as he gloriously and 
philosophically unfolded to tbum the prosperity and happiness that 
awaited tlie triumph of the ^Vhig party. Yet he is now marked out 
as the prominent victim of persecution, so remorseless and so unre- 
lenting, that history scarcely presents us witli a parallel case. He 
has had the firmness to maintain his principles, and disdain to bow 
and worship the counterfeited images which have been raised by the 
Opposition. It is for this independence of action that he has been 
traduced ; it is for this he has been attacked by base insinuations and 
wilful misrepresentations. If he could have been so insensible to that 
pride of country which animates even the lowest of mankind; if he 
could have been unmindful of the ardent instigations of sentiment and 
patriotism, and that lofty hope which springs forward to the future; 
o/id so forgetful of his brilliant career, as to have supported the princi- 



SECRETARY OI? STATE. 105 

pies of the Opposition, the name of Daniel Webster had then been tar- 
nished — his lofty integrity had then been blurred — and the republi- 
can historian would have handed down his name to posterity, as one 
recreant to his long cherished principles and splendid fame. 

A Native of Maryland, 

Postscript. — Mr. Webster has been charged with voting " against 
a proposition more effectually to detect and prevent traitors and 
spies." This is absolutely untrue. 

On the 19th of January, 1814, Mr. Wright, of Maryland, moved 
the following resolution : 



'a 



'' Resolved, That the Committee of the whole House be instructed 
to inquire into the expediency of extending the second section of the 
act for the government of the United States relative to spies, to citi- 
zens of the United States.'^ 

The effect of extending the rules and articles of war relative to 
spies to citizens of the United States, would have been to expose 
every American citizen visiting the encampment of the American 
army, to be charged with being a spy, and have that charge tried 
and determined by a drum-head court martial, and that trial follow- 
ed by death. 

It would have withdrawn from our citizens that great shield of 
American liberty — the right of trial by jury — and placed the whole 
country, and all our citizens, at once under martial law. So thought 
Mr. Webster, and he voted against it. So thought Mr. Cheves and 
Mr. Farrow, of South Carolina, Mr. Duvall, Mr. Ormsby, and 
Mr. Clark, of Kentucky, Mr. Eppcs, of Virginia, Mr. Kent, of 
Maryland, Mr. Seybert, of Pennsylvania, Mr. Fisk, of Vermont, (or 
New York,) Mr. King, of North Carolina, (now Senator from Ala- 
bama, and late President of the Senate,) Mr. Richardson, (late Chief 
Justice of New-Hampshire,) Mr. Robertson, of Louisiana, and many 
others of the warmest supporters of the administration of Mr. Madi- 
son ; and they voted with Mr. Webster. And there is no more truth 
in the charge against Mr. Webster, than in the same charge, should 
it be made, against Mr. Eppes, the chairman of the Committee of 
Ways and Means, son-in-law of Mr. Jefferson, and leader of the 
then Democratic party iu the House of Representatives. 

Amongst other things raked up by the press to prejudice the 
people against Mr. Webster, is his vote in 1814, against the bill to 
authorize a draught of eighty thousand militia men. Whatever 
may have been the merits of the measure, it was opposed by many 
of the most sterling Republicans of the country ; among them 
William A. Burwell and Thomas Gholson, of Virginia, and 
Nathaniel Macon, of North Carolina. 

As further evidence of Mr. Randolph's hostility to the war, I 
refer the reader to the following extract. 
o 



lot) THOMAS EWING 



'' These are no ordinary times. The state of the world is unex- 
ampled; the war of the present day is not like that of the Revolu- 
tion, in any which preceded it, at least, in modern times. It is a 
■war against the liberty and happiness of mankind ; it is a war 
in which the xckole human race are the victims, to gratify the 
pride and lust of power of a single individual. I beseech you, 
put it to your bosoms, how far it becomes you as freemen, as Chris- 
tians, to give your aid and sanction to this impious and bloody 
warfare against your brethren of the human family." — See Mr. 
Randolph's letter to the freeholders of Prince Edward, Bucking- 
ham, and Cumberland, in 1812. 



No. III. 

OBSERVATIONS ON THE POLITICAL CHARACTER AND SERVI- 
CES OF THOMAS EWING, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 

The duties of this station are in some respects merely secondary, 
while in others they are superior to those attached to other depart- 
ments. By the laws e.stablishing the office, the Secretary is re- 
quired not only to attend to the collection and disbursement of the 
revenue, but likewise to present new schemes or alterations in ex- 
isting plans, as the public good requires. It will be perceived that 
this requires a comprehensive knowledge of the resources of the 
country, united with habits of close application ; and in addition to 
this rare union of qualities, a stern integrity. In a Government 
whose chief resource depends upon trade, which itself depends upon 
our relative situation with the European world, it is essential that 
the Secretary should superadd to these high attainments a sufficient 
knowledge of foreign powers, to anticipate the arrangements likely 
to be adopted by them, and their effects upon the United States. 

When Mr. Ewing entered the Senate of the United States, he 
found himself in the strong holds of locofocoism. That body at that 
time, had asserted a daring irresponsibility to public opinion. Mr. 
Ewing, impressed with the dangerous tendencies of such doctrines, 
and convinced from his own reflections, and the nature of our insti- 
tutions, of their absurdity, did not abandon himself to an inglorious 
course. He here found a theatre for the display of all his powers ; 
and he displayed them in a manner that placed their depth and 
variety beyond the reach of question. He opposed the adoption of 
the pet bank system; he opposed the doctrines of nullification; he 
supported the inquiry into the atiairs of the Post Office Department; 
he opposed the prodigal expenditures of the Government; and above 
all, he opposed the rash measures of the Administration. On these 
occasions, he was generally unsuccessful in prostrating the measures 
proposed by the Administration. The most sanguine mind could 



SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 



107 



not flatter itself with this triumph. But, what was of infinitely 
greater consequence, he assisted in awakening the public mind, in 
illuminating it, and thus aided in accomplishing the great revolu- 
tion which the Whig party achieved in public opinion. His speeches 
m the Senate were read by the nation. In diction, they were per- 
spicuous and easy of apprehension ; in style, temperate, and exempt 
from all personal allusion ; in argument, profound ; in political views, 
instructive. Attacked with fury by violent partisans, eager to crush 
him, he, on no occasion, suffered the calmness of his judgment, and 
the respect for the body he addressed, to be disturbed by the violent 
ebullitions of his enemies. He did not content himself with oppo- 
sing the leading measures of the Administration ; like a true patriot, 
he gave an assisting hand to his opponents. No man in the Senate 
better understood the principles of finance, and no one was better 
acquainted with the national resources and events in all their details. 
He assisted, also, in the promotion of correct plans, and exposed 
errors, the effects of which might have been no less injurious to the 
reputation of the Administration, than to the welfare of the country. 

Few men have ever obtained as great an influence in this country, 
with so fev/ of the advantages which are apt to captivate a Senate, 
or to win popular applause. He was not fluent of speech, yet, 
with all this, he attained a station in the Senate, which made him as 
much listened to as the most consummate debaters ; and upon the 
questions to which he, generally speaking, confined himself, the great 
matters of finance and commerce, he delivered Jiimself with oracular 
certainty of effect. This success he owed to the thorough know- 
ledge which he possessed of his subjects ; the perfect clearness of his 
understanding; the keenness with which he could apply his infor- 
mation to the purpose of debate ; the acuteness with which he could 
unravel ihe argument, and expose an adversary's weakness, or ex- 
plain his own doctrines. 

A few years ago, this distinguished individual was removed from 
the Senat", by the Legislature of Ohio. By this inconsiderate po- 
licy, the Government was deprived of the services of one of her most 
enlightened and experienced statesmen, at a season when she most 
needed them — when howling factions were to be chained down with 
one hand, and rapacious politicians to be held off with the other. 

Upon General Harrison's elevation to the Presidency, Mr. Ewing 
received an invitation from that lamented and distinguished person- 
age, to become a member of his political family. This invitation 
was accepted, and accordingly he was selected to preside over the 
financial department. 

It is no common object of contemplation to behold the Govern- 
ment of a great nation committed to hands manifestly incapable of 
wielding its powers ; but to see at the head of a department a man void 
of the knowledge and experience wanted for discharging the duties 
of the department, is a spectacle to fill all thinking persons with 
apprehension ; nor is it less dangerous to the country, that a set of 



108 JOHN BELL, 

persons should have undertaken to govern it, who were entirely 
devoid of the influence required within tor resisting evil or effecting 
good. That this country has, for some time, been placed in this 
predicament, cannot be doubted ; and in no department of the Gov- 
ernment was this imbecility more conspicious than in the Trea- 
sury Department. 

When Mr. Ewing was called to the Treasury Department, it 
became his duty to reduce to order the chaos in which he found the 
fiscal concerns of the nation. He found the department covered 
with an enormous accumulating debt, and its revenues declining. 
He found the groundwork which had been chalked out by Wood- 
bury's predecessors undermined, and all their wise regulations con- 
cerning the management of the finances, in a state of disorder. 

How faithfully to the Government, how leniently to the various 
sections of the nation, and how successfully Mr. Ewing has labored 
to introduce systems to uphold the public credit, and husbanded the 
public revenues, it is not necessary here to state. After the strictest 
scrutiny of the highest tribunal of our country, the Congress of the 
United States, he has received the best reward \vhich can be be- 
stowed on a faithful servant. His integrity and fidelity have been 
acknowledged, and the wisdom and patriotism of his course approved, 
by adopting the recommendations embodied in his report, in refer- 
ence to the condition of his department, and the necessity of Con- 
gress taking some measures to relieve it from the annual amount 
of debt, under which it was laboring, in consequence of the mis- 
management of his predecessors, and to provide some means to meet 
the accumulating deficiency. 

These are the talents, and these are the eminent services which 
seconded and justified the elevation of Mr. Ewing. 

A Native of Maryland. 



No. IV. 

OBSERVATIONS ON THE POLITICAL CHARACTER AND SER. 
VICES OF JOHN BELL, SECRETARY OF WAR. 

In that dread hour my country's guard I stood, 
From the State's vit.ils tore the coiled serpent, 
First liung with writhing up to public scorn, 
Then flung him forth to ruin. — Marturiri's Bertram, 

U cannot be uninteresting to the people of the United States, to 
review the jiolitical conduct of those individuals who occupy dis- 
tinguished places in the Government. 

Mr. Bell is one of those who stand highly elevated in the politi- 
cal history of the country, in all its political conflicts, by which it 
Jms been convulsed during the last twelve years. 



SECRETARY OF WAR. 109 

He began his professional life in the county of Williamson, Ten- 
nessee, and continued to practice until his public employments in- 
terrupted his professional business. At the bar he was distinguished 
among his brethren for sound learning and laborious research, for 
fair, honorable, and perfect integrity. 

In 1817, he was elected by the people of Williamson to the Se- 
nate, in which body he distinguished himself on all questions which 
came before it, and soon acquired a very extensive and commanding 
influence, on account of the comprehensiveness of his views and the 
liberality of his political sentiments. Having served in that body one 
term, he retired from political life, and determined to devote his time 
to his profession, — a science \vhose acute distinctions and logical 
structure were wonderfully adapted to invigorate and develop the 
powers of his understanding. 

The people of Tennessee have long been distinguished for their 
admiration of talents, when united to pure intentions and virtuous 
ambition. Moved by this feeling, it became a matter of course that 
Mr. Bell, intrenched as he deservedly was, in the affections and 
respect of all those who knew him, should receive the offer of a seat 
in Congress; whose inflexible patriotism, and political courage, 
had inspired the highest confidence. 

In contending for a seat in our national councils, he had to en- 
counter the conjoined influence of General Jackson and Felix Grun- 
dy, who, at that period, swayed popular opinion, and controlled the 
destinies of the politicians in the State of Tennessee. His eleva- 
tion may therefore be considered as furnishing strong evidence of 
the weight of his character in the district, and of the respect of the 
people for real worth, which is so rarely permitted to weigh against 
the interests or feelings of party. 

In December, 1827, Mr. Bell took his seat in the House of Rep- 
resentatives. Perhaps there has been no period since the establish- 
ment of the Government, which more uniformly demanded all the 
foresight, virtue, and discretion of the ablest statesmen, than that in 
which Mr. Bell was called to assist in the national councils. The 
first talents in the respective parties which divided the country, were 
drawn into Congress. That body became a vast arena, in which the 
contests for political power and prmciple were maintained with all 
the eloquence of rhetoric and strength of reasoning which the zeal 
of party could influence in noble minds. 

Among the earliest efforts in eloquence of Mr. Bell, is his report- 
ed speech on the resolution of Mr. Chilton, delivered in the House of 
Representatives in 1828, on retrenchment. It was his first appear- 
ance before the eyes of the American nation, and received the ap- 
plause both of his political friends and opponents. 

In 1830, he was placed, by the Speaker of the House, as chair- 
man of the Committee on Indian Affairs. At this crisis, this com- 
mittee was one among the most important. The duties devolving 
on it were laborious and complicated. The adjustment of our difii- 



110 JOHN BELL, 

cultios with the several tribes of Indians in the United States, had 
become one of difficulty and embarrassment. Georgia and Ala- 
bama demanded of the Government the extinguishment of the Indian 
title. The question of thoir removal agitated the Union from its 
centre to its extremities. In this trying situation, under these exci- 
ting circumstances, Mr. Bell Avas called on to investigate this dis- 
turbing question. His report was an elaborate production. In con- 
sidering this question, he gave ample proofs of his great abilities ; 
but what adds to the perfection of this report is, the conciseness of 
method, the spirit of candid philosophy, the assiduity of research, 
the discriminating precision, and the profundity of judgment, with 
which it is every way replete. This report is itself sufficient to 
procure the author a brilliant and lasting reputation. 

Mr. Bell professed a desire for the welfare of the Indians, for the 
support of their rights, and for their improvement in the arts of civi- 
lized life; but his views were different from his opponents as to the 
authority of the State Governments over them, within whose limits 
they resided. His opinion of State rights Avas such as to lead him 
to the conclusion that the Indians must submit to the jurisdiction 
and laws of the State ; whereas the doctrine of most other states- 
men was, that they Avere to enjoy their own customs and regula- 
tions, subject only to the Government of the United States : thus 
excluding all authority in an individual State to control or interfere 
with them. The States of Georgia and Alabama had previously 
set up a claim to govern the Indian tribes within their respective 
limits in all cases, and they also demanded of Congress the removal 
of the tribes to some distant territory. 

In the course of the debate in which he had to engage, in defence 
of the principles asserted in this report, he had occasion for all his 
powers, and he AA'ielded them with a giant's arm ; contesting the 
ground inch by inch, and defending the report against the assaults 
of its enemies. During the whole of this animated discussion, he 
was at his post, and often upon the floor ; now gravely answering, 
the objections of the opponents of the report; now nerving the arms 
even of the strong, and now dispelling the apprehensions of the 
timid, and confirming the vacillating and doubtful. He labored hard 
to harmonize and soften conflicting interests. In this debate he found 
arrayed against him the vast industry and ability of Huntington, of 
Connecticut, the animated and powerful declamation uf Bates, of 
Massachusetts, the brilliancy and learned ingenuity of Everett, and 
the constitutional and legal learning, and impassioned eloquence of 
Storrs, of New York. It certainly cannot be said to derogate from 
the splendid efforts of these genlltnien to say, that Mr. Bell sustained 
himself proudly on this occasion, and elevated himself to a high 
rank among the distinguished men in that body. 

In 1834, Mr. Bell was elected Speaker of the House of Repre- 
sentatives. He presided over the deliberations of that distinguished 
body in a manner that imparted the highest gratification to hia 



SECRETARY OF WAR. HI 

friends, and extorted the praise of his opponents, by the dignity of his 
conduct, the urbanity of liis manners, and the rigid impartiality of 
his decisions. 

About this period, Mr. Bell, perceiving the injurious tendencies 
of the doctrines of the Administration, announced his purpose to sup- 
port the election of the lamented Hugh L. White, of Tennessee, as 
successor to General Jackson. From that moment he was marked 
out by the Administration party as an object of jealousy and perse- 
cution. It was a time of high political excitement. The passions 
of the adverse party were highly inflamed, and all the angry pas- 
sions of the contest were called into action. 

It cannot be supposed — it is contrary to the general experience 
and practice of human nature to conceive — that a character, thus 
highly and deservedly distinguished, can have passed through a 
large portion of active life, without some degree of censure and mis- 
representation. We do not by any means profess to portray, amidst 
the innumerable frailties that adhere to man in this terrestrial and 
probationary sphere, that monstrous absurdity — a perfect man ; but 
those who have candidly contemplated the prominent features of his 
political character, will be little inclined to dwell with severity upon 
any political act, when surrounded with such numerous excellen- 
cies. Leaving, therefore, to envy and malignity to brood over the 
suggestions of their wayward fancy, and convinced as we are, that, 
in the scale of impartial justice the balance infinitely preponderates 
on the right side, we shall only condescend to notice the charge 
implicating his political integrity — that he abandoned the Jackson 
party from interested and ambitious considerations. 

From an unrestrained cast of liberal sentiment, which Mr. Bell 
has through life displayed ; from that rooted detestation of every 
species of oppression and tyranny; from his well known republican 
feelings, and comprehensive views of linance, it could not have been 
a matter of astonishment to his political friends, when he ceased to 
co-operate with them, and announced his opposition to Mr. Van 
Buren's views and policy, and united with the Whig party. Much 
as the coalition has been censured in the Jackson papers, yet it 
must be admitted it has been censured on wrong grounds. To 
arraign a union of men once opposite, or even inimical to each 
other, without considering the object of combination, or the conduct 
of its members in this combined capacity, would be the result of pre- 
judice, and not of judgment. A change of circumstances often ren- 
ders it just to disunite from that plan of political conduct which it 
was once right to pursue, and to act with those men whom it was 
right to oppose. The abuse thrown out against Mr. Bell, and the 
other abler leaders of the Whig party, after mutual coalition, was 
the abuse of ignorant and malignant declaimers, not of impartial, 
informed, able reasoners, upon distracting political doctrines. And 
yet this revolution in his political opinions, it is alleged, was the re- 
sult of an overweening ambition. There is an ambition with which 



112 JOHN BELL, 

these spreaders of calumny and their masters are entirely unac- 
quainted — the ambition of doing ffood, and the securing the reward 
in fame. He who has this ambition, can never be disappointed in 
the other ; and if any statesman has reason to be satisfied whli his 
success in the pursuit of ambition, it is the distinguished Secretary 
of War. 

Mr. Bell continued with his usual ardor, consistency, and spirit, 
to oppose the administration of General Jackson, upon every mea- 
sure which he deemed to be injurious to the national interests, and 
in violation of the constitution. This conduct secured to him, at the 
time, great popularity of character, the esteem of every friend of 
the constitution, and the applause of every admirer of public 
virtue. 

This revolution in political seniinunt proved to be the most for- 
tunate step for him that could have been taken; such uncalled for 
persecution operated on the public mind with a sensible reaction. 
His friends, in 1835, once more took the field, and many of his 
former admirers joined their ranks; the party which had heretofore 
held such despotic sway, became divided within itself, and at this 
moment his friends brought their favorite again in Congress, to oc- 
cupy the seat he had so ably filled lor many years. 

There is, in all political bodies, however organized, an instinctive 
passion for the accumulation of power. The executive department 
of the Government has not been backward, under the last two Admi- 
nistrations, in exhibiting this trait; and as this, like most other strong 
passions, acquires strength by indulgence, it was not a matter of asto- 
nishment, at that day, that it should have displayed itself with a force 
and cfTect calculated to awaken the most painful apprehensions. 
Under its impulses and irregular action, the other departments of 
the Government were stripped of their powers, once considered 
essential to their existence, and were doomed to move in a subordi- 
nate sphere of action. To restrain the action of the Executive, and 
confine it within the limits of the constitution, no man in Congress 
made more powerful eflTorts. To him the thanks of the Republi- 
cans are due, for the firm and decided stand taken by him on this 
occasion, and his patriotic efforts in resisting this innovation upon 
our institutions, so unequivocally inimical to their existence and 
efficacy. 

This speech was considered as a great efllbrt of eloquence. The 
documents therein contained may be referred to as a satisfactory and 
convincing answer to all the arguments which were then adduced 
by his enemies. This speech strikingly illustrates two prominent 
traits in Mr. Bell's character : that laborious assiduity and patient 
investigation which master details, and that acute abstracting mind 
which generalizes particulars, deduces principles, and comprehends 
results. 

His stern and inflexible opposition to the Sub-Treasury scheme 
recommended by Mr. Van Buren, has been viewed with great ad- 



SECRETARY OF WAR. 113 

miration. The speech he delivered on that occasion is probably 
one of his ablest efforts. 

Mr. Bell seems at this period to have been convinced of the ne- 
cessity of indefatigable application and persevering industry to sup- 
port the high character he had acquired, and accordingly prepared 
himself with unremitting assiduity to present to Congress this ques- 
tion in all its important ramifications. His mind, indeed, appears to 
have been elevated by the importance of the subject, and he con- 
ceived its various relations with a perspicuity that was embellished 
by the noblest effusions of eloquence. 

Animo vidit ; ingenio complexus est ; 
Eloquentia ornavit. 

In the course of the congressional recess in 1840, various events 
took place which called forward the political abilities of Mr. Bell. 
The most deep and impassioned feeling took possession of the nation 
itself, and the same thrilling sensations which had agitated Congress 
electrified the whole country. It seemed as if every power of the 
human mind was summoned to the contest, and stretched to the most 
intense exertion. At no period of his life has Mr. Bell more com- 
pletely sustained his reputation for talent, than in his efforts before 
the people in favor of Whig principles. His clear and forcible ar- 
guments, his earnest and affecting admonitions, and his intrepid and 
original development of principles and measures of the Administra- 
tion party, gave him a weight of authority which it was difficult to 
resist in the State of Tennessee. Perhaps no man was ever heard 
by his political opponents with more profound and unaffected respect, 
whenever he arose to address them upon, the subject of our political 
condition under the Van Buren dynasty. 

The great Republican Whig party having triumphed, by the dif- 
fusion of their principles and the exposition of the execrable policy 
of the Administration, in 1841, General Harrison tendered to Mr. 
Bell the distinguished station in his cabinet as Secretary of the 
War Department. In this eminent capacity, he was called on to 
perform many arduous duties of office, and the difficulty of perform- 
ing them in a safe and satisfactory manner was greatly enhanced by 
the consideration of the disorganized condition of the Department. 
In whatever he has undertaken, however, he has succeeded to the 
public satisfaction, and displayed great talent and application. 

The difficulties which have devolved on him as Secretary of War, 
will bend under the commanding power of his genius ; confidence 
will succeed the gloom of despondency; order will spring out of 
complexity ; and the light of his powerful and independent mind 
will penetrate through the maze of imbecility and error ; success 
will crown his exertions ; and the glory which will blaze around the 
military character of his country, in the termination of the Florida 
war, will prove in its rays the splendor of his name. 

A Native of Maryland. 



114 GEORGE E. UADGER, 

No. V. 

OBSERVATIONS ON THE POLITICAL CttARACTER AND SER- 
VICES OF GEORGE E. BADGER, SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. 

The exalted taste of preferring to all other achievements the tri- 
umph of intellect, and to all pleasure the contemplation of intellec- 
tual beauty and grandeur, was the happy career which carried an- 
cient Greece to a refinement of taste and an elevation of virtue that 
no country has rivalled. To review the triumph of intellect which 
lie before us in the history of our great men, must be an interesting 
occupation to an American mind. The republican institutions of this 
country cherish no regard to the factitious distinctions of society — 
they rescue poverty from prostitution, and elevate humility from de- 
pression. 

With the public career of Mr. Badger we do not profess to be 
well acquainted. He has always ranked in the State of North Ca- 
rolina as a distinguished lawyer. It is not saying too much to as- 
sert that he brought with him to the new office the reputation of 
being at the head of the profession in that State. Men might differ 
withrespect to the rank of other lawyers; but all admitted that no 
one was superior to Mr. Badger, in talents, in learning, in acute- 
ness, in sagacity. 

In all his public functions, he was remarkable for his devoted- 
ness to the cause in Avhich he was engaged, for his assiduity and 
zeal, for research and depth of thought, and for an extraordinary in- 
trenuity of reasoning, which sometimes appeared to border on re- 
finement, but which ended in the most just and satisfactory conclu- 
sions. 

It is evident that nature has been liberal to him. She has gifted 
him with a mind rapid, ingenious, and full of resources ; ever awake, 
and ever active ; equally capable of comprehending and exhausting 
a subject to which its powers may be directed ; his genius enables 
him to enforce by argument, his memory to illustrate and adorn, 
and the glowing language of which he is an eminent master, either 
to conceal the weakness, or to augment the strength of the topic un- 
der discussion. 

It is the prerogative of his mind to discover by a glance so rapid 
as to seem intuition, those truths which common capacities strug- 
gle hard to comprehend; and it is the part of his eloquence to dis- 
play, expand, and enforce tlicm. 

His colloquial powers are of a splendid order. Whenever en- 
gaged in conversation with his friends, he appears with an illumi- 
nated face, and with a peculiar amenity and captivating kindness, 
displays all the playful felicity of his wit, the force of his intellect, 
and the fertility of his imagination. 

In his style of writing and speaking, he is uncommonly chaste and 
eloquent, generally pleasing, and polishing his sentences until they 



SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. 115 

become suited to an ear made almost fastidious by an early classi- 
cal education, and reiterated reading of the best authors in the Eng- 
lish language. 

In such limes of political division as we have unfortunately lived 
in, to be believed honest, able, incorrupt, and a friend to one's coun- 
try, by the party opposed to us, is perhaps the most conclusive evi- 
dence of our title to such a character, for it is the testimony of those 
who may, in a certain sense, be considered as enemies. This evi- 
dence exists vin'th regard to the Secretary of the Navy. 

The political principles and inculcations of Mr. Badger, are such as 
naturally arise fiom the exercise of the understanding, deriving its ma- 
terials from experience and the operations of particular governments, 
combined with the knowledge of human nature ; arguing from his- 
tory, and not conjecturing from fancy and metaphysical abstraction. 

The high state of excitement that pervaded the nation during the 
last Presidential canvass, had enlisted in the cause of the Whig 
party some of the most talented men in the countrv. Mr. Badger 
partook extensively of this state of excited feeling, and before a 
large assemblage of the people of North Carolina, he arrayed with 
all his gorgeous eloquence the policy and measures of the Adminis- 
tration, and displayed to an admiring audience the consequences 
Avhich would inevitably result if they were persisted in. In this 
speech he delineated the constitution of the Federal Government 
with great accuracy, and expressed his warm admiration of it 
as the best system of policy the sagacity of man has been able to 
contrive. In short, every bosom glowed with one sentiment of 
generous pride and grateful exultation. No lurking envy, or cap- 
tious exceptions, doubts and sinister forebodings of diversity of views, 
disturbed the harmony, or damped the general enthusiasm which 
pervaded the ranks of the Whig party. 

So conclusive were the arguments advanced, and such the elo- 
quence with which they were enforced, that every mind was fully 
satisfied with the exposition which he had given of our political 
concerns, and the fulness of his knowledge in relation to the policy 
of the Federal Government. 

A revolution having been effected in the administration of the 
General Government, it entered into the scope and policy of the 
Chief Magistrate in forming his ministry, to tender the responsible 
station, as Secretary of the Navy Department, to Mr. Badger. In 
this new situation, so totally foreign to his pursuits, he has bent 
the whole force of his faculties to the accomplishing of his great 
object, that of filling with ability and usefulness, so conspicuous and 
important a station. 

The strongest evidence which we have to offer of the ability 
which has characterized his efforts in the administration of the af- 
fairs of this department, is the new and important suggestions em- 
bodied in his report in June last to the Coirgress of the United 
States. 



116 FRANCIS CRANGERj 

Deeply impressed with the necessity of defending^ the approach 
of an enemy to the heart of our territory, and to shield the capital of 
our country from again being sacked by a ruthless invader, he 
called the attention of Congress to the proposition of establishing a 
Home Squadron. This measure, considered cither with a view to 
the present or future condition of this country, is of vital impor- 
tance, not only in protecting our extensive maritime coast from in- 
vasion, but to render additional aid in giving security to our im- 
mense and rapidly increasing commerce. Congress, convinced 
of the necessity of the adoption of this measure, have wisely con- 
curred in opinion with the enlightened Secretary of the Navy. 
This measure is destined to form a new era in our naval history. 
It must inevitably lead to other and still greater improvements in 
the most important arm of the national defence, in conformity with 
the advance of science, and the new modifications of steam power. 

To knowledge strong, various, and accumulating, and to manners 
accessible and easy, he unites a system of politics the most deter- 
mined and unwavering. Of an age combining the practical advantage 
of extensive experience with the activity of a mature and vigorous in- 
■tellect, he is able to perceive the best interests, and to direct with 
efficiency the concerns of his department ; while an integrity of prin- 
ciple unquestioned and unquestionable supports the Corinthian 
column of an amiable and honorable character. 

To powers of mind highly cultivated by study, he adds habits of 
the closest application, with which he unites manners of the great- 
tst urbanity and politeness. 

A Native of Maryland. 



No. VI. 

OBSERVATIONS ON THE POLITICAL CHARACTER AND SER- 
VICES OF FRANCIS GRANGER, POSTMASTER GENERAL. 

The Postmaster General is one of those distinguished men who lay 
by the attributes of youth before they attain to manhood; who leave 
behind them at school the levity and folly, the unsuspecting open- 
ness and thoughtless generosity of inexperienced age, and come into 
public life fortihed with the cool caution and prudent reserve which 
usually are bought but by experience. 

Mr. (hanger is the son of Gideon Granger, who, for many years, 
presided over the department to which his son has succeeded. He 
was viewed by his political friends as a man of just integrity and 
considerable talent. Mr. Randolph always spoke of him as a fine 
specimen of Northern Democracy. 

The political career of the Postmaster General has been short, 
though very conspicuous and extraordinarily popular He was 



POSTMASTER GEJVERAL. 117 

one of those whose enlightened mind and profound constitutional 
laiowledge placed him in the highest rank of public characters, and 
whose purity of principle and consistency of conduct through life, 
commanded the most respectful attention to his opinions. In the 
turmoils and convulsions of party strife, he displayed the same mag- 
nanimity and patriotism Avhich had distinguished and characterized 
his conduct upon all occasions where the interests of his country 
was concerned. 

For many years Mr. Granger remained in a minority in the 
State of New York. The tide of party had overwhelmed him for 
a time, and all the zeal and all the strenuous efforts, incidental to vio- 
lent political contests, were brought to bear against him. If there 
has ever been a day when a citizen of the Empire State might glory 
in her institutions, and feel the force of the principle that they con- 
tained in themselves — a self-preserving spirit — it is at this moment. 
The character of the State iiad been degraded, and a stain brought 
upon her reputation by the artful and designing politics of the Al- 
bany Regency. The people have risen in all their majesty, and in 
a language temperate, firm, and dignified, have put forth a decla- 
ration to the nation, indicative of that intelligence, that love of truth 
and justice, that sense of right and wrong, and that pride and inde- 
pendence of character, which prove in all ages the certain protection 
of Republican institutions. It was the business of the Regency to 
hunt down great men, and to drive the most distinguished talents 
into the shades of domestic life. It was against this party that Mr. 
Granger had to contend for so many years. They are now power- 
less. A revolution has taken place ; and no man has had a more 
powerful agency in bringing it about than Mr. Granger. 

To reward a most able, fliithful, and distinguished statesman, for 
past labors and sacrifices, it was resolved by the Whig party, of 
which he was a prominent member, to run him for the Vice Pre- 
sidency. In 1836, the Whig party supported for that office the 
Hon. Francis Granger and the Hon. John Tyler ; the Van Buren 
party, the Hon. Richard M. Johnson. As the electoral colleges 
failed to make a selection, Mr. Johnson and Mr. Granger were re- 
turned to the Senate. The Van Buren party having the ascendancy 
in that body, in February, 1837, elected the Hon. Richard M. John- 
son. The vote which Mr. Granger obtained on this occasion, proves 
to the world the high estimation in which he was held by his po- 
litical associates, and the confidence they entertained of his adhesion 
and fidelity to the principles which they advocated with so much 
zeal and devoted patriotism. 

Mr. Granger has been the uniform and consistent opponent of 
the doctrines maintained by the Van Buren party, and has on all 
occasions employed his powerful mind and persuasive eloquence in 
exposing their evil tendencies, and pointing out to the people the 
ruinous policy pursued by the party, and the Avide and extended 
suffering and embarrassment to which it must ultimately lead. 



118 FRANCIS GRANGER, 

In the formation of a new ministry, Mr. Granger has been se- 
lected to take charge of the Post Office department. This depart- 
ment is laborious and complicated. It requires great system and 
patitnt industry to manage its concerns, and to administer its extend- 
ed aflairs judiciously and prosperously. In coming into office he 
found its linancial department deranged; its contracts enormous and 
disproportionate lo the services performed; a large accumulating 
debt hanging over it; debts due the department unsettled; and a gen- 
eral system of irresponsibility pervading every portion of the de- 
partment. To organize and give shape and form to such a mass of 
confusion and irregularity, and to meet the liabilities of the depart- 
ment, and at the same time not to curtail any of the facilities in the 
transmission of the mail, required the employment of all the talent 
and laborious application of which he is master. His report to 
the Congress of the United States, at the commencement of the 
Extra Session, has all the marks of a strong business-like docu- 
ment, embodying in a most lucid manner the fiscal affiiirs of the 
department, and suggesting many useful improvements in the 
management of its complicated concerns. 

These developments demonstrate most conclusively his ability to 
preside over the department with distinguished credit to himself 
and advantage to the nation. They manifest his lidelity in the dis- 
charge of the important functions belonging to the office, and his 
constant application in ferreting out official malversation, and reme- 
djMng existing grievances. 

I will now proceed to the examination of a charge which has 
been made agahist him of a serious character ; and, strange to say, 
that often as it has been peremptorily refuted, it is still brought upon 
the stage for party effect. 

The spirit of liberty reflects on the errors of faction with sorrow, 
not with triumph, and is unwilling to aggravate that which it wishes 
had never happened. In the temper which this spirit inspires, there- 
fore, we shall proceed. We shall dwell on no facts but such as we 
think uncontroveried; and we shall make no reflections, nor draw 
any inferences from them, but such as naturally arise in the case. 
The truth could not be so evident as we presume it is in this case, 
if any thing more was necessary to the illustration of it. Has he 
in any instance given countenance to abolition doctrines? Is the alle- 
gation sustained by proof? If any exist, Avhy is it not produced? 
That Mr. Granger's enemies should, with a degree of industry 
which never remits, have raked in the ashes of long-forgotten 
and a lli(;ns;uul times refuted slanders, for the means of heaping 
obloquy upon his reputation, was to be expected from their party 
zeal and from their undisguised hostility, or even hatred, which 
they uniformly have evinced towards him. Their insinuations and 
declarations against his reputation, unsupported as they are by one 
particle of evidence, will be set down by every candid reader as 
the rabid effusions of party spleen, which too often believes every 



POSTMASTER GENERAL. 119 

calumny invented to blacken the reputation of an adversary. Shall 
men, thus plainly convicted of calumny, expect belief when they 
endeavor to defame in any other case? Shall they who are convicted 
of accusing falsely, in cases which are plain in their nature, where 
no proof can be wanting, and where no pretence can be alleged for 
not producing it, expect that the public should condemn any man, 
and especially when he has demanded of his adversaries to produce 
one single proof in contradiction of his affirmation ? How often have 
the enemies of Mr. Granger defended themselves and been defended 
by this principle ; that no man ought to charge another, unless he 
is able and willing to prove the charge ! How often have they called 
for proof on this principle, and triumphed that it was not imme- 
diately produced ! 

But these are the desperate efforts of a faction repudiated by 
the people, and hence their ferocious anxiety to attack the distin- 
guished men of the north, in order to bolster up their consequence. 
Sometimes very bad men are made to display such dignity in death, 
as at once to excite a sympathy with their false sentiments, and to 
lessen the horror of their crimes. I recollect the interest with which 
I read, some years ago, in Dr. Young's Busiris, the proud mag- 
nanimous speech, at the close of which the tyrant dies. 

Even the detestable Zanga, though conscious that '' to receive 
him, hell blows all her fircs^' appears, if I recollect aright, with 
a fine elevation in the prospect of death, by means, partly indeed by 
the sympathetic feelings excited on account of his heroic courage. 
To create an occasion of this kind, compelling us to do homage to 
the dying magnanimity of wicked man, is an insult to the religion 
which condemns such magnanimity as madness. 

While Mr. Granger continued in the House of Representatives 
he was one of the most useful and distinguished members of that 
body. From the time he took his seat, to the 4th of March last, he 
took a conspicuous part in all its proceedings. By a reference to 
the Register of Debates, it will be found that he took a large share 
in all the important discussions, and that he never failed to avow 
frankly, and to defend with energy, the grounds of his public conduct. 
In his speeches he studies clearness and fullness of narration, 
and copiousness and force of argument. He also unites strength with 
beauty, and the perfection of matter with the most refined and chas- 
tened style. 

In July, 1841, he discussed with great force and ability the prin- 
ciples embodied in the report of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, 
in relation to the adjustment of our external affairs with Great Britain. 
He doubtless felt great satisfaction in vindicating the safety and 
honor of his country, and at embodying in an effort so useful and 
glorious a ray of that genius whose force and consciousness he had 
felt, in dispelling the cloud of metaphysics which enveloped the re- 
port, and gave rise to anxious forebodings as to the pacific termina- 
tion of our controversy with Great Britain. 



120 JOHN J. CRITTENDEN 



J 



But it Avas not in the character of a speaker, though highly use- 
ful and popular as such, that the merits of Mr. Granger as a mem- 
ber principally consisted. It was in the closet and on committees, 
on the unostentatious but most important task of forwarding the 
public business, that his services were probably most useful to his 
country. The gentlemen who served with him can attest to the 
severe, unwearied, and self-denying industry with which he devoted 
himself to this important branch of legislative duty, but too fre- 
quently neglected by those, whose ambition it is to attract attention 
on the floor, or to figure at length in the columns of a newspaper. 

On all questions of a political nature, the course of Mr. Granger, 
while in Congress, was usually in accordance with that of his 
Whig brethren. With them he was a decided supporter of Whig 
principles, and on all the debates which involved the honor of the 
nation, or the policy of tlie Government towards foreign States, he 
ever expressed himself with great decision of character and honesty 
of purpose. 

In addition to these high qualifications, he possesses, what talents 
may adorn, but what talents, however strong they may be, can never 
supply — the mens conscia recti; an inflexible integrity and enlight- 
ened virtue. All who have the honor of his acquaintance, admire 
him for his firmness, public spirit, and unconquerable industry. All 
see in him a patience of investigation which never fails — a loftiness 
of principle which knows no compromise, and blending with these 
great qualifications the eminent blandishments of the gentleman, 
the virtues and decorations of private intercourse, throw beautiful 
tints upon his public life. 

A Native of Maryland. 



No. VII. 

OBSERVATIONS ON THE POLITICAL LIFE AND SERVICES OF 
JOHN J. CRITTENDEN, ATTORNEY GENERAL. 

Statesman — yet frietul t.o trutli, of soul sincere, 
In action faithful, and in honor clear, 
Who hroke no promise — served no jirivato end. 
Who gained no title, one who lost no friend, 
Ennobled by himself. 

In Mr. Crittenden we have a striking instance of that indeflitiga- 
blc spirit, the true characteristic of a superior mind, which pursues 
its object with unabating ardor, amidst the most discouraging cir- 
cumstances. Tlic progress of genius, like the river confined within 
a' rocky channrl, is accelerated by opposition. Thus the daily toil 
of study, and the frequent interruptions of a laborious profession, 
seemed to have stimulated the exertions of Mr. Crittenden. 

Mr. Crittenden is a native of the State of KenUicky. It was in 



ATTORNEY GENERAL. 121 

this truly republican State that his earliest impressions gave to his 
mind a strong attachment for liberty, instructed him in the estimation 
in which a virtuous mind should hold wealth, and taught the value 
of industrious habits, as the only guardian of independence and true 
greatness. Gifted with a vigorous and expansive mind, he has 
forced his way, by patient application and persevering industry, from 
obscurity to the highest stations in the public service. Possessing 
an admirable knowledge of the world; a sagacity instructive in 
reading men ; a fund of strong practical sense applicable to all the 
occasions of life ; ar effective, commanding, and enlightened energy ; 
a judgment that rarely goes wrong ; uncommon kindness of pur- 
pose; a genuine philanthropy; a temper always under discipline, 
with complete self-government in all respects ; a fairness in judg- 
ing of his enemies ; a noble frankness ; incorruptible honesty ; a 
magnanimous disregard of self; an inborn constant love of repre- 
sentative government and the people's rights — these are some of 
the most striking among the cluster of great and useful qualities that 
are harmonized in his character. The attributes of his judgment 
are peculiar and distinctive. Its movements are always deliberate 
and slow — slow to decide, because he is anxious to investigate. It 
is his habit to look on all sides of a subject ; to dismiss any fears ; 
to examine deeply ; to demonstrate ; to weigh the opinions of others ; 
to reconsider his own opinion. 

In examining the events of Mr. Crittenden's life, w-e find him at 
an early period" devoting himself to the practice of the law. He 
rose rapidly into professional notice, and soon found himself sur- 
rounded with clients and business. In a short time he was chosen 
to the Legislature ; and his sound judgment and comprehension gave 
him weight and influence in all the deliberations of that body. One 
of the first propositions Avhich he submitted to that body, was in 
relation to a military expedition against several Indian tribes inha- 
biting a portion of the Northwestern Territory. 

General Harrison, at the solicitation of numerous distinguished 
and influential individuals in Kentucky, accepted the command to 
lead the gallant volunteer corps of that State against a savage foe, 
then laying waste a portion of the country. How that expedition 
ended, the glory which encircled the brow of the commander-in- 
chief at the baule of Tippecanoe, and the exaUed character which 
Kentucky acquired in that memorable engagement, in which she 
lost many gallant sons, it is not for me at this time to speak. But 
misrepresentation sought to deprive the gallant Harrison of the lau- 
rels he had acquired. A fell spirit of detraction sought also, to en- 
kindle a state of feeling in Kentucky, injurious to his military 
reputation, which had disarmed savage ferocity of its terrors, and 
gave peace and tranquillity to our western borders. At this crisis 
in the military history of General Harrison, Mr. Crittenden pre- 
sented to the Legislature a resolution approbating the course of 
General Harrison, and commending his military exploits, which 



122 JOHN J. CIlITTENDENj 

they so richly deserved. This resolution was almost unanimously 
adopted. 

The people of Kentucky, always generous and magnanimous, ap- 
proved the act, and appreciated highly the views and motives which 
induced the mover of the resolution to present it to the Legislature 
for its adoption, and admired the eloquence which he employed, in 
delineating the services and privations which the troops had endured, 
and the exalted character which they sustained in this sanguinary 
conflict with an uncivilized enemy. 

In 1817, Mr, Crittenden was elected to the Senate of the United 

States. 

In this distinguished body, he soon acquired a high character 
for extensive information and great research; and after a short pe- 
riod of honorable service retired from public life to devote himself 
more assiduously to the duties of his profession. It is not unusual 
for men of eminence, after having withdrawn a few years from the 
bar, to find it difficult, if not impracticable, to resume their former 
rank in business. Nothing of this sort occurred to check the pro- 
gress of Mr. Crittenden. He was immediately engaged in almost 
all the important cases in the highest courts of Kentucky; and his 
popularity seems to have increased rather than diminished during his 
temporary retirement. From the triumphs and victories of the State 
bar, his reputation soon carried him to the Supreme Court of the 
United States, where it has been his pride to hold a most distinguished 
rank. This would entitle him to no ordinary praise ; for that bar has 
long been celebrated by the presence of many of the most illustrious 
lawyers in the country. The reports of the Supreme Court show 
how faithfully and elaborately he argued the questions of law which 
were in the course of his practice. A legal question never look- 
ed too dark to him ; his first glance gave an insight into it. and told 
him through what course he was to search for a solution. But if 
capacity to examine a question by the most laborious analysis ; to 
subject all its relations to the test of the most scrutinizing logic, and 
to exhibit them in perfect transparency to the minds of others ; if 
the capacity to select with unerring judgment, the weak parts of an 
argument, and to expose learned sophistry — if these distinguished 
traits constitute a superior mind, ]Mr. Crittenden must be allowed to 
rank among the greatest minds of the country. 

In 1829, President Adams, entertaining an exalted opinion of his 
intellectual vigor and integrity of character, nominated him to the 
Senate as one of the Judges of the Supreme Court of the United 
States. The Jackson party, having the ascendency in that body, 
refused to act upon the nomination, upon the ground of Mr. Critten- 
den's political opinions — and that another party would in a few 
months succeed to the administration. They strenuously contended 
that the Administration ought not to attempt to lill vacancies created 
by death or resignations, when their power had nearly terminated. 
But how have they changed positions? In 1841, they appointed a 



ATTORNEY GENERAL. 123 

Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, at the mornenf 
when they were sensible that their power was expiring and passing 
into other hands. 

Thus we have another example how easy it is for men to change 
their principles with their situations — to be zealous for principles 
when they are in power, and as soon as they are ejected from the 
seat, to become the assailants of those very principles which before 
they had so zealously supported. Are such men to be sanctified 
with the hallowed name of patriots? Are they not rather to be 
branded as mercenaries who make their professions, prejudices, and 
interests, the sole measure of their own and others' rights? 

The refusal to sanction this nomination by the Senate, produced 
considerable excitement among Mr. Crittenden's friends in the State 
of Kentucky, and m 1S35 the Legislature of the State elected him as 
a Senator in Congress. This was a distinguished mark of their 
confidence in his abilities and honor. The memibers of the Legis- 
lature had for some time viewed him as the sagacious statesman, the 
sound and learned lawyer, the public-spirited citizen, one who had 
been tried in all the relations of life, public and private, and been 
found faithful in all. He possesses that invaluable property in a 
politician — one not often found in combination with a mind so rapid 
in its movements and powerful in its grasp — unwearied patience 
in investigation. He never abandons his research when half com- 
pleted. He never rests satisfied till he acquires all that can be 
had upon the subject of his researches. Hence it is, that whenever 
he undertook to discuss a question in the Senate, he was always pre- 
pared to analyze it in all its bearings, and present it to the conside- 
ration of that body in the most imposing form. Hence, also, the in- 
fluence which his opinions and arguments always carried in that 
body. 

He has always been regarded as belonging to the Republican 
party ; and the eflbrts which have been made of late to prove the 
contrary, have by no means changed his opinions. In the early 
part of Mr. Madison's administration, he was a spirited and patriotic 
member of the Republican fam.ily, On various occasions, he gave 
the most decided support to the principles which then contained the 
creed of the Administration party. 

Mr. 'Crittenden took his seat in the Senate of the United States 
about six years ago. He acquired at once a high character in the 
councils of the nation ; was regarded as a man " justum et Unacum 
jiroposiii," safe in his judgments; who investigated every question 
with coolness and without prejudice, and met every responsibility 
with a fearless intrepidity. The journals and records of the Senate 
will show him to have been equal to any of his compeers in debate. 
His speeches were delivered upon subjects the most important to 
the community that could be conceived ; the topics handled in them 
were of universal application and of perpetual interest. 

It may be afhrmed, that no member in the Senate was more re- 



124 JOHN J. CRITTENDENj 

lied oil for extensive knowledge, or more esteemed for power of 
debate tliau he was. Although ardent in his feelinq-s, and inflexible 
in his political opinions, yet whenever he addressed the Senate, mem- 
bers of all descriptions listened with an expectation of being informed, 
and an assurance that they should not be deceived. 

]\Ir. Crittenden has always entertained a wholesome jealousy of 
Executive power. He always asserted that, in proportion as the 
House of Representatives acted in unison with the people, animated 
by the same sympathies and affected by the same interests, in the 
same proportion will it accomplish the design of its functions as a 
representative body. Finding a system of action pursued by the 
last two Administrations hostile to this harmony, in order to restore 
it to that conjunction of interests and feelings on which its utility, 
as the popular branch of the Legislature, depends, Mr. Crittenden 
labored most assiduously to introduce a system calculated to effect 
this most desirable object, in regulating the patronage of the Fed- 
eral Executive. But e^-en this laudable effort was opposed and 
misrepresented. He never designed to impose any restraints on 
the actions of men or on the liberty of speech. In this country, 
every citizen of the United States has the entire power to dis- 
pose of his own actions, provided he does no injury to any of his 
fellow-citizens, and that no prerogative of the President, no power 
of any department of the Government, has any legitimate authority 
to check this unlimited freedom. 

His designs were in favor of the constitution; designs to secure, 
to fortify, to perpetuate that excellent system of government. He 
advocated no other course — he claimed no other merit. 

The debate on the question of Executive patronage, drew forth all 
the powers of his mind. For deep and thrilling fervor when re- 
quired ; for brilliancy of thought and richness of language, when 
demanded by the theme ; and for logical and grave discussion, he 
is equally as distinguished, as for the lighter sallies of his playful 
and sparkling fancy, the quickness of his w'it, and the pungency 
and severity of his satire. 

Whoever will read with attention the speeches of Mr. Crittenden 
on the great questions of policy which have of late years agitated 
the countr}^, will find him always advocating the doctrines which 
have ever been considered as sustaining principles of equal rights. 
He has on all occasions been the strenuous advocate for the exercise 
of the legitimate powers of Congress — and has ever opposed every 
encroachment on the great charter of our liberties. ( 

Accordingly, when Mr. Van Buren recommended the Sub-Trea- 
sury policy, INIr. Crittenden resisted its adoption, in several able 
speeclies. These efforts exhibit a perfect knowledge of tl '■ subject. 
He showed demonstratively, with sagacious discernment, the evil re- 
sults of which it Would be productive. The doctrine ot a hard money 
currency he resisted with all the inimitable wit for which he is so 
distinguished — and that power of eloquence which he is so eminently 



ATTORNEY GENERAL. 125 

master of. He was determined to oppose at every step, a measurr* 
which he believed to be grounded on a delusive promise of good 
which it would never accomplish ; and to be pregnant with inevita- 
ble and extensive evil. The system of banishing paper money from 
circulation, and employing only the precious metals for commercial 
purposes, is one of the most absurd propositions ever engendered 
by the folly of man, in these days of refinement and civilization. 
We might as well be told that, because our ancestors fought with 
arrows and with lances, we ought to use them now, and that we 
ought to consider shields and corselets as affording a secure defence 
against musketry and artillery. In short, Mr. Crittenden resisted 
with great vigor and effect, all innovations upon established sys- 
tems which were constantly suggested by those who were at the 
head of the Government. Against these rash and destructive mea- 
sures, the offspring of Executive dictation and arrogance, he direct- 
ed the whole power of his fervid eloquence, and by the fertility of 
his genius, and his illustrations, he succeeded in impressing upon the 
public mind their dangerous tendencies. In great convulsions 
of public affairs, or in bringing about salutary changes, every one 
confesses how important an ally eloquence must be. It is in the 
progress of great events, in the jars of mighty tumults of domestic 
concerns, that she flourishes — protectress of liberty — protectress of 
improvement ; guardian of all the blessings that can be showered 
upon the mass of human kind. Nor is her form ever seen but in 
proud connection with free institutions. When institutions which 
had been long held in veneration as great refinements of human 
wisdom and policy, which years had cemented and confirmed, which 
wisdom had supported, and experience sanctioned, and eloquence 
conspired to embellish, were levelled to the dust by Executive 
power, it was then that Mr. Crittenden's eloquence, in conjunction 
with other determined patriots, infused a current of feeling into the 
public mind inimical to the ruling power; and finally, by a series 
of inculcations, effected a revolution in political sentiment. 

The political campaign of 1840, could not fail to rouse the genius 
of every citizen — to force the highest talent to the highest station — 
to animate the Whig party with a holy zeal ; and to afford to her 
orators all that, according to the profoundest writers of antiquity, is 
necessary to the sublimest strains of eloquence. " Magna eloquen- 
tia, sicut flamma, materia alitur, a motibus excilatur, ure.ndo cla- 
rescil." It was, thus, in these ardent and passionate political con- 
flicts, that Mr. Crittenden delivered those bold and manly speeches, 
worthy of the great interests involved, and Avhich have been the 
theme of high encomium. He contemplates " these glorious inspi- 
rations of genius, as a beauty gazes with secret pride on the reflec- 
tion of her charms, which, she feels, are to delight and to subdue 
mankind." 

In taking this decided stand against the Van Buren party, he was 



126 JOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

prompted by no selfish feeling — no ambitious considerations. His 
ambition is ever identified withi virtue, and never associated but with 
virtuous ends; the object of that ambition was his country's welfare. 
Honest ambition, like the eagle, soars upward to the sky, gazing 
undazzled at the most glorious object; while political intrigue 
burrows downward in the earth, and works inwardly in the dark — 

" Toils much to earn a monumental pile, 
That may record the mischief it lias done." 

In this struggle the Whig party triumphed. They subverted the 
Van Buren dynasty, which will bo identified in the recollection of 
posterity with accumulated duties or taxes, an augmented debt, ex- 
tended financial embarrassments, a ruined and disordered currency, 
a debasement and prostitution of the public mind, and a system of 
policy not only hostile to the commercial and manufacturing inte- 
rests of the community, but paralyzing to the arm of the Govern- 
ment, and destructive of the conservative energy of Republican in- 
stitutions. 

In 1841, General Harrison, in looking through the political cir- 
cles of his friends for a constitutional adviser, to aid him in carrying 
out a great system of beneficial measures connected with the admin- 
istration of the Federal Government, selected Mr. Crittenden as one 
of his cabinet ministers. Their friendship commenced at an early 
period, so far as the writer of this is inibrmed, and it continued un- 
broken to the last moments of expiring nature. As lime rolled on, 
this chain brightened and was burnished into splendor by warm re- 
ciprocation, and undiminished regard. 

He has all the qualities which the forensic art requires ; profound 
learning ; various and accurate information upon State affairs as 
well as the contents of books, and a love of labor, not to be satiated 
by any prolixity and minuteness of detail into which the most com- 
plicated case could run — a memory which lets nothing escape that it 
has once grasped, whether big, or imperfectly small — with abun- 
dant subtlety in the invention of topics to meet an adversary's argu- 
ments, and penetration that leaves no parts of his own case unexplain- 
ed. Many have drawn the conclusion that Mr. Crittenden's mind 
is incapable of long continued investigation. Now, clearness and 
rapidity of thought are surely not inconsistent with the power of 
profound investigation. This power is not confined to dull and la- 
borious plodders. He must be wholly ignorant of the character of 
Mr. Crittenden's mind, who does not know that its most remarkable 
feature is accurate analysis. Now this is the great and efficient in- 
strument of investigation. It is hardly necessary to observe that a 
mind accustomed to argue analytically, is, of all others, the least 
liable to become theoretical. By reducing things to their elements, 
it decides the most complicated questions by a skilful combination of 
those maxims of common sense, which after all, are the great foun- 



CONCLUSION. 127 

dations of human wisdom. Superficial observers are very apt to 
consider men of strong inventive powers of mind, as mere theorists. 
They are unwilling to admit the utility of powers whose sublime 
operations they can scarcely comprehend. 

That important conclusions may not be derived from an extended 
analytical investigation and comparison of existing systems, will 
not be denied. But whenever it is undertaken by one competent for 
the task, and with a mind unfettered and unbiased by preceding 
opinions, results of the very greatest interest and importance can rarely 
fail to be derived from it. With respect to the metaphysical inves- 
tigations which we often meet on abstract points of constitutional 
law, all of them are vague, gratuitous, and fanciful; arising, doubt- 
less, from the circumstance that the authors have rather started with 
a preconceived theory or system, which they conceive themselves 
bound, at every hazard and by all means, to maintain and defend. 
This mode of reaching the truth and ascertaining the signification 
of terms and the import of the provisions of a constitution framed 
for the purpose of guiding a great people to happiness and glory, 
presents no attractions to his mind in expounding the constitution. 
His mind has nothing of metaphysical order, which enables a debater 
to draw nice and wire-drawn discriminations, which, when examin- 
ed, contain no substance whatever. Not like, 

" Minute philosophers, who nicely see 

Th' entrails of a gnat, dissect a flea ; 

Survey the world with microscopic eye, 

And to an elephant convert a fly ; 

Measure an atom by precision's laws, 

And balance the difference of a pair of straws ; 

Pursue the fibres of a grain of sand, 

Tell how much gold will buy each inch of land ; 

Divide and subdivide each single hair, 

With fairy magic paint in air." 

A Native of Maryland. 



CONCLUSION. 

Such is the Cabinet which the Chief Magistrate has around him 
as the depository of his confidence, and as worthy to guide him in 
conducting the great operations of this glorious confederacy. 

It is sufficient for our purpose, to have delineated the political 
characters and personal services of the members of the cabinet. 
By this inadequate delineation it will appear, that the motives which 
guided in the selection, and controlled in the retention of them, were 
pure, patriotic, and enhghtened. 

In the retention of the cabinet, the President has given us the 
strongest evidence of a disposition to surround himself with men of 



128 CONCLUSION. 

ability and consideration — men of useful knowledge, cultivated minds 
and well ordered and disci])lined morals. These are the neces- 
sary instruments of a wise and well reafulated Government. These 
are the genuine and unfailing means of cultivating and improving the 
arts of peace; of diffusing affluence and happiness, and grateful 
attachments to our political institutions, over every region and dis- 
trict of this vast country; and of dispensing to every class and de- 
scription of our fellow-citizens, the permanent benefits of security to 
property, protected life, undisturbed order, and inviolate religion. 
It is not the nature of these blessings to spring from a turbid source, 
or to flow in contracted and irregular channels. 

The stability of this country, whose magnitude is the accumula- 
ted results of former enterprise, activity, and resolution, must be per- 
petuated by the durable principles of the constitution ; by a grave, 
upright, and uniform administration of justice; by a prudent and 
temperate system of revenue; by the encouragement and protection 
of all the departments of industiy; by a careful and judicious man- 
agement of every branch of financial resource; and by the main- 
tenance of a just, firm, and moderate policy towards foreign powers. 
To maintain and uphold such a system in all its parts, the Federal 
constitution has created three great departments of power : the exe- 
cutive, the legislative, and judiciary. That these departments are 
free, and mutually independent of each other, is a principle which 
all the enlightened minds, and illustrious ornaments of our species, 
who have exercised their intellectual powers in the theory of Go- 
vernment, have unanimously considered as essential to the well-being 
of our Republican system of government. It is a maxim that is laid 
down in most of the constitutions or declarations of rifrhts, in most 
of the States; it is found in the political writings of most of the cele- 
brated civilians, and is every where held as essential to the pre- 
servation of liberty, that the three important departments of the 
Government should be preserved separate, distinct, and independent. 

The most delicate, and at the same time the most important attri- 
bute of Executive authority, is the exercise of the veto power, and 
thus pronouncing a legislative act inoperative, if made in violation 
of the provisions of the constitution. Recently, President Tyler 
was called upon, under painful circumstances, to exercise this pow- 
er. He viewed the provisions of the bill presented to him for his 
approval, as inconsistent with the principles which he had on all 
occasions maintained, and as violative of the spirit and letter of the 
constitution, which he had sworn to support. Under such circum- 
stances, what was he to do 1 Was he to do that stern and cruel vio- 
lence to his settled sentiments, to trench upon the opinions which he 
had farmed with strong sincerity, and to ratify an act which he be- 
lieved was an infraction of an instrument which he was bound to 
protect from violation, by every rule of moral obligation, and by the 
suggestions of an enlightened public interest? Or was he to stand 



CONCLUSION. 129 

by and behold it violated and subverted? However deeply we may 
regret the exercise of the veto in this instance, still we must contend, 
that if the President views the lej^jslation of the Federal Government 
as incompatible with the constitution, he is bound by every consi- 
deration which can influence the human mind, to reject the bill. 
In this act, we see a rigid adherence to principle, to conscience, to 
unstained honor. Views of political expediency and the retention of 
political power, the latter one of the strongest and most tenacious 
passions of the human heart, vanished before the love of country, 
and that conscientious regard to constitutional obligations, those 
sacred and magnanimous impulses, which of all principles of action, 
next to the aspirations of piety, reflect most lustre on our nature, and 
exhibit the human character in direct approximation to the dignity 
of celestial purity and intelligence. 

" Hath to his plighted faith and vow, forever firmly stood. 
And the' it promise to its loss, yet makes that promise good." 

It would be needless to trace the causes and events which contri- 
buted — some with a nearer and conspicuous, others with a more 
remote and less perceptible influence — to expel the Van Buren par- 
ty from power, and to elevate the present dominant party to its 
commanding and patriotic sphere of useful and beneficial action. Nor 
Avill I attempt to point out the principles which were discussed du- 
ring the campaign, nor allude to those upon which the great politi- 
cal revolution turned. Suffice it to say, that an important and glo- 
rious victory was achieved, over a proud and arrogant foe, who had 
prostrated institutions which had been held in admiration as great 
superstructures of human wisdom — which years had produced — ex- 
perience sanctioned. And shall we suffer this light, which has burst 
upon us, to be turned again into the darkness of Locofocoism, by 
the incantations of those who are restrained by no scruples, and are 
daily flooding the country with heresy and mischiefs, and who 
would not have passed for conjurors in the days of superstition and 
ignorance? The nation is not only brought into uniformity of opin- 
ion concerning the present Administration (except on the question of 
the Bank of the United States) by the righteous conduct of it, but 
have grown into a unanimity about the measures of the Govern- 
ment, which the most sanguine, a short time since, could hardly 
have anticipated. 

Feeling, as every prudent man, and especially every statesman, 
the frequent expediency (which I might, indeed, call necessity) of 
mutual accommodation and concession, in the political controversies 
and contensions which convulse a Republic; and having learned 
from the wisdom of the one, whose lessons have become laws, that 
compromise must be amongst the elements of human intercourse, I 
am inclined to admit, that the political differences that now character- 
ize the Whig party, come within the range of this salutary and heal- 
ing principle. If no steps be taken to apply cordials and lenitives to 
R 



130 CONCLUSION. 

soften the asperity of party feeling-, whicli, once kindled, concession 
does not find its place, and conciliation loses its properties — leading 
rather to exasperate than appease — all those splendid prospects, all 
those consolatory hopes, which were entertained by the patriots who 
assisted in effecting the revolution of 1840, will be lost, and gloom 
and despondency will again cover the land. 

Happy will it be, if this spirit of compromise shall produce its 
proper effects both on the Executive and the Whig party ; if it shall 
animate the former to a noble concession in the general course of 
his principles ; and if it shall dispose the latter to view the Executive 
no lou"-er with suspicion, on account of political differences of opin- 
ion on subordinate questions, but to regard him with the confidence 
which is due to their political association — as fellow-soldiers in the 
great Whig army of 1840. Unfortunate animosities and fatal sus- 
picions have arisen between prominent members of the Whig party. 
If this great party will sacrifice a little for the sake of harmony, 
they will at least have the merit of making a fair experiment on the 
temper of the political church. We have no doubt but the experi- 
ment would be successful, and that the result of such an amicable 
effort would be a new triumph for the Administration, both in 
the defeat of their enemies, and in the closer union of their patri- 
otic members; in the establishment of the great principles for which 
they contend, and in diffusing a spirit of charity and toleration 
among political brethren; so that the Opposition may at length 
not only be exposed, but shunned and silenced, and that those 
who continue to differ on minor questions of national policy, 
may at last agree in forbearance and mutual kindness. Is it not, 
therefore, highly impolitic, and injurious to the integrity of the Whig 
party, for one portion of it to be dealing out invectives against any 
other portion of its distinguished members? A blow from such 
hands is of fatal consequence. Homer tells us, that when Neptune 
exerted his celestial power — when a deity interposed — even Hector 
was prostrated. We may suppose, that these heathen deities, like 
mortal men, were partial. The heathen had favorites, and at any 
rate these favorites were to be supported, so as to appear invulne- 
rable, and almost immortal. But Fabricius must not die, because 
Cato must live. Vivat uterque. 

If the President has, after a full survey of all the considerations 
by which he has been surrounded, been compelled to act in opposi- 
tion to one of the favorite measures of the Whig party, it has, no 
doubt, been the result of a sincere conviction of constitutional duty. 
That his power to veto the bill was full and legitimate, plenary and 
efficient — that his judgment dictated the measure, and his con- 
science ratified it — no man can successfully deny or reasonably 
doubt. Standing thus, is it not the politic duty of the party 
proudly to sustain him, to harmonize with him, and thus impart 
power and expansion to the Republican principles so dearly che- 



CONCLUSION. 131 

rished by the Whig party. We must recollect that distinguished 
merit will ever rise superior to misrepresentation, and will draw 
lustre from reproach. '' The vapors which gather around the rising 
sun, and follow it in its career, seldom fail, at the close of it, to form 
a magnificent theatre for its reception, and invest with variegated 
tints, and with a softened effulgence, the luminary which they cannot 
hide." 



Read "makes" for "make," 13th page, 1st paragraph, 11th line. 

Read "accusation" for " imperfection," IGth page, 3J par. 9th line. 

Read ''splendid" for "additional," 20th page, 2d par. 30th line. 

Read "nation" for "country," 20th page, 2d par. 40th line. 

Read "to" for "on," 21st pag:*, 2d par. 9th line. 

Read "his" for ''their," 31st page, 2d par. loth line. 

Read ''principal" for "principle," 33d page, 2d par. 3d line. 

Read '' they form no intricate " for '' they form no an intricate " 35th 
page, 1st paragraph, 7th line. 

Read '' Mr. Webster's alleged connection" for " Mr. Webster's con- 
nection," 37th page, 2d paragraph, 7th line 

Read "charge" for ''proof," 43d page, in note, 8th line. 

Read ''proscribed" for "prescribed," 45th page, 1st par. 18th line. 

Read ''inspiring and animating soul of the republic" for "the in- 
spiring and reforming plastic seal of a republic," page 54, 2d 
paragraph, 1st and 2d lines. 

Read "of" for "on," page 58, 3d par. 46th line. 

Read " Zanesville" for ''Gainesville," 60th page, 10th line of note. 

Read "his" for "their," page 61, 5th paragraph, 3d line. 

Read '' to submit to its control " for '' to submit," 63d page, 2d para- 
graph, 39th line. 

Read '' it condenses of" for " of it condenses," page 68, 1st paragraph, 
4th line. 

Read ''action" for "order," page 71, 5th par. 45th line. 

Read " 1816" for " 1814," page 74, 2d par. 16th line. 

Read '• succurrere" for ''succurre," page 80, 5th par. 17th line. 

Read "had" for ''has," page 108, 1st par. 5th line. 

Read "chalked out" for "chalked," page 108, 2d par. 13th line. 

Read "zeal of party could" for "zeal of could," page 109, 6th par. 
42d line. 




OBSERVATIONS 



ox TIIF. 




POLITICAL CHARACTER AND SERVICES 



PRESIDENT TYLER, 



AND 



HIS CABINET. 



By A NATIVE OF MARYLAND. 



REMEMBER THAT THE WAYS OF HEAVEN, 

THOUGH DARK, ARE JUST ; THAT OFT SOME GUARDIAN POWER 
ATTENDS UNSEEN, TO SAVE THE INNOCENT ! 

BUT IF HIGH HEAVEN DESIRES OUR FALL O LET US 

FIRMLY AWAIT THE STROKE, PREPARED ALIKE 

TO LIVE OR DIE. — BroiCTi's Borbarosso . 



/ 




WASHINGTON : 

PRINTED BY PETER FORCE. 

1841. 



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